Ethiopia and Eritrea accuse one another of launching war

What are Ethiopia and Eritrea accusing each other of doing in northern Ethiopia?

The two neighbours are accusing each other of starting the latest escalation in northern Ethiopia. Ethiopia says Eritrea invaded parts of Tigray and claims the move gives Ethiopia a right to self-defence. Eritrea rejects that account and says Ethiopia has waged an unprovoked war against it for more than three years.

Ethiopia’s foreign minister said Eritrean troops advanced up to 60 kilometres into Tigray. Eritrea’s information minister answered that Ethiopia had threatened Eritrea by seeking access to the sea. He also accused Addis Ababa of using the conflict to target Assab, an Eritrean Red Sea port.

The dispute matters because accusations of invasion could trigger wider fighting between two countries with a history of war. Their diplomatic relationship has already broken down. Ethiopia closed its embassy in Asmara and expelled 10 Eritrean diplomats, while Eritrea announced it was severing ties.

What is the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), and why is it involved in the conflict?

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front, or TPLF, is an armed group at the centre of the conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. The article identifies it as part of an alliance of seven armed groups that has sought to overthrow Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government since September. Its fight has made Tigray the main battlefield in the current crisis.

The conflict has shifted quickly. Ethiopia’s army pushed back the TPLF and seized Mekelle, the Tigrayan capital. Witnesses also reported that the rebels lost Shire and Adigrat. Eritrean troops were reportedly seen in Adigrat before Ethiopian drone strikes hit them, linking the TPLF’s battlefield losses to the wider Ethiopia-Eritrea confrontation.

Eritrea denies supporting the TPLF. That claim is especially sensitive because Eritrea previously fought alongside Ethiopia against the TPLF during the 2020–2022 civil war. The peace deal that ended that war excluded Eritrea, and relations deteriorated afterward.

How far have Eritrean troops reportedly advanced into Ethiopia, and which important Tigrayan cities have changed hands?

The reported military movement reached as far as 60 kilometres, or 37 miles, inside Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region. Ethiopia presented that advance to the United Nations Security Council as evidence of an “all-out invasion.” Eritrea rejected the accusation and said Ethiopia was the aggressor.

Several important Tigrayan cities changed control during the fighting. Ethiopia’s army seized Mekelle, the regional capital, after pushing back the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. Witnesses also told AFP that TPLF forces had lost Shire and Adigrat. The article does not give exact dates for each city’s change of control.

Adigrat became a flashpoint involving both sides. Witnesses reportedly saw Eritrean troops there before Ethiopian drone strikes hit them. These movements show how the Tigray conflict and the Ethiopia-Eritrea dispute became closely connected. Continued fighting around major cities could deepen the regional crisis, but the article does not confirm what happens next.

What could happen to the conflict if Eritrean troops remain inside Ethiopia and diplomatic ties stay severed?

If Eritrean troops remain inside Ethiopia, the conflict could become a direct and prolonged confrontation between the two states. Ethiopia has called the presence an invasion and demanded withdrawal. Eritrea rejects that description and says Ethiopia has attacked it. Those opposing claims leave little common ground for an immediate settlement.

The diplomatic mechanism is already weakening. Ethiopia closed its embassy in Asmara and ordered 10 Eritrean diplomats to leave. Eritrea then announced that it was severing ties. With formal channels damaged, military incidents involving Eritrean troops, Ethiopian forces, the TPLF, or drone strikes could become harder to contain.

The article says the escalation has raised fears of outright war in the region, amid wider Horn of Africa and Red Sea tensions. Continued confrontation could therefore spread political pressure beyond Tigray. However, the article does not report a confirmed next step, agreement, or intervention by neighbouring countries.

Why is Ethiopia’s desire for access to the Red Sea, including the Eritrean port of Assab, such a major source of tension?

Ethiopia’s sea-access demand is powerful because the country is landlocked, while Eritrea controls coastline and Red Sea ports. Ethiopia says it has a right to access the sea. Eritrea sees that claim as a possible threat to its territory and sovereignty, especially concerning Assab.

The key mechanism is geography linked to national power. Ethiopia lost access to the coast when Eritrea secured independence in 1993. Eritrea’s information minister cited Ethiopian officials and accused Addis Ababa of using the present conflict to take Assab and restore access to the Red Sea. Ethiopia denies the broader accusations, but its repeated claims have intensified distrust.

The issue now affects both security and diplomacy. Eritrea fought Ethiopia in a border war after independence, and relations have repeatedly shifted between cooperation and conflict. Because the two governments interpret sea access so differently, a demand Ethiopia presents as a right can look to Eritrea like preparation for territorial pressure.

How did Eritrea’s independence, the 1998 border war, and the later alliance against the TPLF shape relations between the two countries?

Eritrea won independence from Ethiopia in 1993, changing the two countries from one political space into separate neighbours. Their relationship then turned violent. They fought a border war for two years beginning in 1998, creating a legacy of mistrust that still shapes current accusations.

Relations improved somewhat after Abiy Ahmed took power in Addis Ababa in 2018. Eritrea then fought alongside Ethiopia against the TPLF during Ethiopia’s civil war from 2020 to 2022. That cooperation briefly made the former rivals military partners against a shared opponent.

The alliance did not produce lasting stability. Eritrea was not included in the peace deal that ended the war, and relations soured soon afterward. Ethiopia’s repeated claims to sea access have added another pressure point. Today, the countries accuse each other of aggression, have severed diplomatic ties, and face renewed fears of open war.

What does it mean for a country to be landlocked, and why does access to seaports matter for Ethiopia’s trade, security, and foreign policy?

A landlocked country has no coastline and cannot directly operate a port on the sea. Ethiopia became landlocked after Eritrea secured independence and took control of its coastline. That geographic change helps explain why Addis Ababa repeatedly says it has a right to sea access.

Seaports matter because they provide routes for goods moving into and out of a country. They also have security and diplomatic importance. A government that depends on another country’s port or transport route must maintain workable relations with that neighbour. For Ethiopia, access to the Red Sea therefore connects trade needs with national security and foreign policy.

The article shows how this practical issue became a political flashpoint. Ethiopia’s officials have raised sea access, while Eritrea says those claims threaten Assab, its Red Sea port. The disagreement has intensified alongside fighting in Tigray and the collapse of diplomatic ties. The article does not describe Ethiopia’s current trade routes or port arrangements.

Key Facts:

📌 Ethiopia calls Eritrea’s presence an “all-out invasion.”

📌 Eritrea describes Ethiopia’s actions as a “war of aggression.”

📌 Ethiopia says Eritrean troops advanced 60 kilometres into Tigray.

📌 The TPLF belongs to an alliance of seven armed groups.

📌 The alliance has sought to overthrow Abiy Ahmed’s government.

📌 Ethiopia’s army seized Mekelle after pushing back the TPLF.

📌 Eritrean troops reportedly advanced 60 kilometres into Tigray.