Suvendu eyes Bengal sweep: Can TMC, Congress unite to challenge BJP?

A by-election, or bypoll, is a special election held to fill a vacant seat between regular elections. It usually concerns one constituency, not the whole Assembly. These contests can test a government's local strength, but they are often shaped by local candidates, alliances and turnout.

In Nandigram, BJP candidate Hasi Rani Rath defeated Congress candidate Milan Pradhan, who had Mamata's support, by 1,22,753 votes. In Rejinagar, BJP candidate Shankharavh Sarkar defeated Golam Nabi Azad of the Aam Janata Unnayan Party by more than 75,000 votes. BJP polled more votes than all opponents combined in both seats.

The victories were expected, but the scale was striking. Rejinagar has roughly 70% Muslim voters, making the result especially notable. Suvendu Adhikari linked BJP's success partly to beneficiaries of the Annapurna scheme. The results also intensified expectations before the Kolkata and Howrah municipal polls.

The BJP's victories were not narrow wins. Hasi Rani Rath defeated Congress's Milan Pradhan by 1,22,753 votes in Nandigram. Shankharavh Sarkar defeated Golam Nabi Azad by more than 75,000 votes in Rejinagar. In each constituency, BJP received more votes than all its opponents together. That scale made the results more politically important.

Suvendu Adhikari's target of winning 42 out of 42 refers to every Lok Sabha seat in West Bengal. It is therefore a complete sweep, not merely a large majority. The claim suggests BJP hopes to eliminate all other parties from the state's parliamentary representation. The two bypoll margins made that ambition appear less fanciful to supporters.

Still, a bypoll does not automatically predict a Lok Sabha election. Larger elections bring different candidates, alliances, turnout patterns and issues. The article also notes allegations of rigging and BJP's uncertain ability to retain Muslim support. The municipal polls and later high-stakes elections will provide stronger tests.

By-elections in West Bengal have usually favoured the party already running the state. Between the 2021 and 2026 Assembly elections, Trinamool won 20 of 21 Assembly bypolls. In 2024, it swept all 12 by-elections, including four seats previously held by BJP legislators. This pattern gives the incumbent a strong built-in advantage.

The article records the pattern but does not fully explain its causes. Generally, a ruling party can benefit from stronger local organisation, greater visibility, established networks and voters' familiarity with its welfare work. A single constituency also allows the incumbent to focus resources and leadership attention on one contest. These are general features of by-elections, not a specific finding stated in the article.

The pattern was visible even where BJP had recently performed strongly. Trinamool took Raiganj, Ranaghat Dakshin and Bagdah in July 2024, then captured BJP-held Madarihat in November. It retained Kaliganj in June 2025 by more than 50,000 votes. The two BJP wins therefore stand out as exceptions.

The victories mattered because bypolls in Bengal have overwhelmingly rewarded the party in power. Trinamool won 20 of 21 Assembly bypolls between the 2021 and 2026 Assembly elections, including all 12 held in 2024. That makes two decisive BJP victories unusual. They were not routine wins produced by a normal bypoll advantage.

The result was especially striking in Rejinagar, where roughly 70% of voters are Muslim. BJP's Shankharavh Sarkar won by more than 75,000 votes, and BJP polled more votes than all opponents combined. Suvendu Adhikari made outreach remarks, saying Muslims did not need to chant “Jai Shri Ram” and urging friendship with the new government. He also credited Annapurna beneficiaries.

The results could strengthen BJP before municipal and larger elections. They suggest the party may be expanding beyond its usual support, although the article says this remains uncertain among Muslim voters in higher-stakes contests. Opposition allegations of malpractice also mean the political meaning of the victories remains disputed.

The Opposition challenged the legitimacy of both bypolls. Bengal Congress president Subhankar Sarkar demanded fresh elections and alleged booth capturing, intimidation, bogus voting and forced removal of polling agents. AJUP said its candidate received zero votes in 33 Rejinagar booths and one vote in another 19. TMC's faction, the rival Trinamool faction and the Left also complained about polling agents being blocked.

In Nandigram, Congress candidate Milan Pradhan said party agents were driven out and voters were prevented from voting. His earlier arrest in an old Nandigram land-movement case had already led to allegations of political harassment. These claims describe alleged interference with voting and election oversight, rather than ordinary defeat.

BJP rejected the accusations and said polling was peaceful. The Election Commission called voting largely peaceful despite receiving complaints. Officials also rebutted a widely circulated claim that BJP votes exceeded registered voters at a Rejinagar booth, saying the original electorate figure was wrong. The dispute remains part of Bengal's wider history of electoral allegations.

The article does not explain obstacles to a TMC-Congress alliance, so the following is established political context rather than a claim made in the text. The central challenge is that both parties would need to compete for influence in the same state while asking supporters to back one common arrangement. Cooperation can weaken each party's separate identity.

Seat sharing is a practical problem. Parties must decide which constituencies each will contest and persuade local workers to support the partner elsewhere. They may also disagree over leadership, campaign messages and candidate selection. Congress's support for Milan Pradhan in Nandigram, alongside Mamata's support for him, shows cooperation in a contest, but it does not prove a wider alliance.

The article instead depicts a fragmented Opposition. Congress, AJUP, TMC factions and the Left made separate complaints about the bypolls. BJP's large wins and the possibility of Muslim outreach increase the pressure on these parties to coordinate. Whether they can do so is not answered in the supplied text.

The article does not define these election types, so this explanation uses established Indian constitutional and electoral knowledge. Assembly elections choose members of a state legislature, who help form the state government. Lok Sabha elections choose representatives to India's national Parliament and determine the Union government. Municipal elections choose representatives for urban local bodies that manage city services.

The scale and issues differ. Assembly contests focus more on state leadership, welfare delivery and local administration. Lok Sabha contests often centre on national leadership, national policy and Parliament. Municipal elections are more local, involving roads, drainage, waste collection and civic services. Candidate reputation and ward-level organisation can matter more in municipal voting.

Voters can therefore support different parties at different levels. Alliances may change, local candidates may appeal differently, and turnout may vary. In this article, BJP's bypoll victories created expectations before Kolkata and Howrah municipal polls, but the text does not predict whether the same support will continue.