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Defence & Security10 Oct 2026 · about 7 min

At least five killed in fresh Manipur violence

The brief

At least five people were killed in separate incidents in Manipur’s Kamjong and Ukhrul districts from Friday evening to Saturday. The reported deaths followed clashes between armed groups and attacks on villages. Former Chief Minister Nongthombam Biren Singh and people living near the India-Myanmar border claimed seven people had died in 24 hours, but two additional deaths were not officially confirmed. In Kamjong, Kuki woman Domkhonei Touthang was shot dead in Chassad Kuki village. A continuing gunfight also killed 22-year-old Michael Ngamminlen Haokip. Naga groups later reported two Naga civilians killed in Ningchou village. In Ukhrul, Gurkha farmer Sandeep Rai was gunned down while driving on the Mahadev-Talui road, and two Naga civilians were reported missing. The competing accounts show how unclear and contested the violence remains. Naga organisations blamed Kuki extremists, while Kuki organisations blamed Indian Reserve Battalion personnel and NSCN (I-M) cadres. The deaths occurred shortly after security forces defused 27 improvised explosive devices along the border.

01

What happened in Manipur’s Kamjong and Ukhrul districts, and how many deaths were reported?

At least five people were killed in separate incidents in Manipur’s Kamjong and Ukhrul districts from Friday evening to Saturday. The reported deaths followed clashes between armed groups and attacks on villages. Former Chief Minister Nongthombam Biren Singh and people living near the India-Myanmar border claimed seven people had died in 24 hours, but two additional deaths were not officially confirmed.

In Kamjong, Kuki woman Domkhonei Touthang was shot dead in Chassad Kuki village. A continuing gunfight also killed 22-year-old Michael Ngamminlen Haokip. Naga groups later reported two Naga civilians killed in Ningchou village. In Ukhrul, Gurkha farmer Sandeep Rai was gunned down while driving on the Mahadev-Talui road, and two Naga civilians were reported missing.

The competing accounts show how unclear and contested the violence remains. Naga organisations blamed Kuki extremists, while Kuki organisations blamed Indian Reserve Battalion personnel and NSCN (I-M) cadres. The deaths occurred shortly after security forces defused 27 improvised explosive devices along the border.

02

Where are Kamjong and Ukhrul, and why does their location near the India-Myanmar border matter?

Kamjong and Ukhrul are districts of Manipur in northeastern India. The article places Kamjong directly along the India-Myanmar border and describes Ukhrul as the location of violence near the Litan area. Their frontier setting matters because villages, roads, and security posts can become exposed to armed movement and attacks.

The article reports that people living along the border attributed some deaths to members of the Myanmar-based Kuki National Army (Burma). The Working Committee of the Tangkhul Naga Long also alleged attacks by Kuki extremists on Naga villages. In another incident, Sandeep Rai was shot while driving on the Mahadev-Talui road in Ukhrul.

Security forces had recently carried out an operation along the border. Between October 4 and 7, the Indian Army and Assam Rifles found and defused 27 improvised explosive devices along eight kilometres. These events show why border security affects civilian safety, transport, and relations between communities, although the article does not establish every allegation independently.

03

Who are the main groups involved in the violence, including the Nagas, Kukis, Indian Reserve Battalion, Assam Rifles, and NSCN (I-M)?

The main actors are Naga and Kuki communities, armed groups linked to them, and government security forces. Naga organisations described attacks by Kuki extremists on Naga villages. Kuki organisations rejected that account and accused the Indian Reserve Battalion, or IRB, and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim’s Isak-Muivah faction, known as NSCN (I-M).

The Working Committee of the Tangkhul Naga Long alleged that Kuki extremists fired on an IRB patrol in Chassad Kuki village. The Kuki Students’ Organisation instead said IRB personnel opened fire on unarmed Kuki women. The article also names the Myanmar-based Kuki National Army (Burma), though claimed deaths of its members were not officially confirmed.

The Indian Army and Assam Rifles appear in a different role. They conducted a security operation and defused explosives along the border. These competing allegations make accountability difficult and show that the conflict involves civilians, local forces, armed organisations, and broader border security concerns.

04

What is an improvised explosive device, and what does it mean that security forces found and defused 27 of them along an 8-kilometre stretch?

An improvised explosive device, or IED, is a homemade explosive weapon assembled from available materials rather than produced as standard military equipment. It may be hidden beside roads or paths and triggered by a person, vehicle, timer, or remote signal. The article does not specify the devices’ designs or intended targets.

Between October 4 and 7, the Indian Army and Assam Rifles detected and defused 27 IEDs. They were planted along an eight-kilometre stretch of the Myanmar border in Kamjong district. Defusing means rendering the devices unable to explode, reducing the immediate danger to soldiers, villagers, and road users.

The discovery matters because the devices were placed across a route rather than found as one isolated object. It suggests that movement through the area carried a substantial risk during the operation. The article later reports shootings and village attacks, so the explosives were part of a wider security crisis, even though it does not link them to a specific group.

05

What consequences can attacks on villages, civilians, police facilities, and border roads have for safety, movement, and relations between communities?

Attacks on villages and roads can make ordinary movement dangerous. Residents may avoid markets, farms, schools, or medical care, while drivers and security patrols face risks from gunfire and explosives. When homes burn, families can lose shelter and communities can be displaced. The article reports nine houses burned in Kamjong and a police station set on fire.

The violence also directly targeted people using local routes. Sandeep Rai was shot while driving on the Mahadev-Talui road. Two Naga civilians were reported missing from Litan, and two Naga civil defence volunteers were wounded. These incidents can make roads, villages, and public facilities seem unsafe even after fighting stops.

Relations between communities may worsen when each side gives a different account and blames the other’s forces or armed groups. The Naga and Kuki organisations issued sharply conflicting claims. Kuki leaders sought inquiries and justice, while Naga representatives described repeated external aggression. The article records calls for intervention but does not report a settlement.

06

Why has Manipur experienced recurring conflict between ethnic communities and armed organisations since the violence that began in 2023?

Manipur has experienced recurring violence involving ethnic communities and armed organisations since the violent conflict began in the hills in 2023. In this article, the Working Committee of the Tangkhul Naga Long says attacks on Naga villagers near Myanmar have become routine since that outbreak. The reported pattern includes shootings, village attacks, and accusations involving organised armed groups.

The latest incidents show why violence can continue. Naga groups accuse Kuki extremists of attacking villages, while Kuki organisations accuse the IRB and NSCN (I-M) of killing Kuki civilians. The article also mentions the Myanmar-based Kuki National Army (Burma), border explosives, and armed village guards. These overlapping claims create competing versions of events.

The article does not provide a full history of the 2023 conflict or identify every cause behind it. It does show that insecurity continued despite a recent security operation and a political promise to pursue peace and normalcy. Leaders sought intervention from the Centre, the State government, and human rights organisations, but no resolution is reported.

07

What is an insurgency, and why can disputed control over territory, local security forces, and ethnic identity make such conflicts difficult to end?

An insurgency is an organised armed campaign against a government or established authority. Insurgent groups may seek political change, influence, or control over territory. The article does not label every group an insurgency, but it describes armed organisations, extremists, village guards, security forces, and attacks around border villages.

Conflicts become harder to end when control is disputed. In Kamjong, the article presents competing claims about who attacked whom and why. Kuki organisations said Village Guards were defending their ancestral village, while Naga groups described attacks on Naga civilians. The IRB, NSCN (I-M), the Kuki National Army (Burma), the Army, and Assam Rifles appear in different parts of the account.

Ethnic identity can deepen the stakes because an attack on one community may be understood as a threat to the whole group. Fear then encourages armed protection and retaliation. The article records demands for arrests, inquiries, compensation, and withdrawal of forces, but it does not report an agreement over territory, security, or responsibility.

This brief was written by AI from the original reporting and checked by other models. Names, figures and quotes come from the source; read it for full context.

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