DUP should use powers to remove O'Neill, says Lockhart

Carla Lockhart believes Michelle O’Neill’s participation in a protest against the Garvaghy Road parade decision makes continued cooperation impossible. She described O’Neill as having broken the law and insulted a large section of Northern Ireland’s unionist and loyalist community. Lockhart says the political response must be serious.

Her proposed route is to use the DUP’s control of the Deputy First Minister’s office. Emma Little-Pengelly, the DUP’s deputy leader, holds that post alongside O’Neill. Because the offices are legally linked, Little-Pengelly’s resignation would also remove O’Neill as First Minister.

Lockhart said there were “lots of options” and that removing O’Neill was within the DUP’s power. However, DUP leader Gavin Robinson opposes collapsing Stormont. He argues that withdrawing from power-sharing would punish law-abiding people and return government to direct rule from Westminster.

Power-sharing at Stormont is a system in which Northern Ireland’s government is jointly led by representatives from different political communities. The arrangement is designed to keep both unionist and nationalist voters involved in governing. It also makes cooperation between the largest parties essential.

The First Minister and Deputy First Minister do not hold separate, independent offices. The article explains that they are held jointly. If one resigns, both are removed from office. Therefore, Emma Little-Pengelly could affect Michelle O’Neill’s position by withdrawing as Deputy First Minister, even though the two politicians belong to different parties.

This structure gives the DUP significant leverage, but using it could destabilise the government. Gavin Robinson says he will not collapse power-sharing because that would punish the law-abiding majority. The linked offices therefore create both a safeguard for shared government and a possible pressure point during political disputes.

Emma Little-Pengelly’s power comes from the joint structure of Northern Ireland’s executive leadership. She is the DUP’s Deputy First Minister, while Michelle O’Neill is First Minister for Sinn Féin. Although the titles differ, the offices operate as a single partnership. That link is central to the dispute.

If Little-Pengelly withdrew from her post, the First Minister and Deputy First Minister would both be removed. O’Neill would therefore leave office automatically, without the DUP needing to pass a separate motion against her. This is the mechanism Carla Lockhart described as being “within our gift” to use.

The move would carry wider consequences. It could bring down the power-sharing administration and lead to direct rule from Westminster. DUP leader Gavin Robinson has rejected that option, saying it would not improve the situation or bring the Orangemen home. The disagreement exposes a split inside the DUP.

Chief Constable Jon Boutcher said the Orange Order parade could not proceed safely along the Garvaghy Road without a major police operation. He asked Secretary of State Chris Bryant to review the Parades Commission decision allowing the march. Boutcher said the police had exhausted all lawful and proportionate ways to facilitate a peaceful parade.

His letter identified several risks. A substantial public-order intervention was not considered proportionate, he said, and could have caused serious injury and disorder. He also warned of a wider “contagion affect” across Northern Ireland. Bryant then banned the parade, prompting unionist accusations that the government had rewarded threats and “mob rule.”

The decision remains contested. Gavin Robinson says Boutcher must explain what “threat of terror” he believed existed. A legal challenge to the decision was adjourned until Monday, so the courts are expected to examine the basis for the ban and the risks described by police.

If the DUP withdrew from power-sharing, Northern Ireland’s devolved government could no longer operate in its current form. The article says a collapse of Stormont would result in direct rule from Westminster. That means decisions would return to the UK government rather than being made by a functioning local executive.

The immediate political mechanism is linked leadership. Emma Little-Pengelly’s resignation would remove both Deputy First Minister and First Minister, because the offices are held jointly. Without the required power-sharing arrangement, the executive could fall. Michelle O’Neill would no longer remain First Minister under that process.

Gavin Robinson has ruled out taking this step. He says collapse would punish the law-abiding majority and asks whether it would improve the situation or bring the Orangemen home. The dispute therefore leaves the DUP divided between demands for consequences and concern about losing devolved government.

The Northern Ireland Assembly has 90 MLAs. That size reflects a legislature where power is shared across competing political communities rather than controlled by one side alone. Decisions affecting the executive must therefore account for both unionist and nationalist representation.

The article gives a direct example. Stormont’s no-confidence motions against Michelle O’Neill and other Sinn Féin ministers could not force anyone to resign. Such a result requires cross-community support from a majority of unionists and nationalists in the Assembly. A simple majority across all 90 MLAs is not enough for that purpose.

This rule makes political accountability more complicated, but it protects the power-sharing design. The motions can publicly expose disagreement without automatically bringing down ministers. The DUP could still use the linked Deputy First Minister’s office, but a broader Assembly challenge faces a higher threshold.

Orange Order parades are a long-running source of conflict because they express one community’s tradition while sometimes using routes associated with another community. In nationalist areas, residents may oppose a parade passing through their neighbourhood. Supporters may view restrictions as an attack on their identity and right to march.

The Garvaghy Road dispute shows how those claims collide. The Parades Commission initially permitted the Orange Order march, but the Chief Constable said police could not facilitate it safely without major intervention. He warned of serious injury, disorder and wider unrest. The Secretary of State then banned the parade.

The dispute has now moved into politics and the courts. Michelle O’Neill attended a protest and faces a voluntary interview under caution request from the PSNI. Unionists demand consequences, while Gavin Robinson questions the ban’s basis. A legal challenge and Stormont debate will shape what happens next.