Macron's popularity hits lowest level since 2017 as Bardella and Le Pen also lose ground

Macron’s popularity measures how positively people currently view his performance as president. Saying it has reached its lowest level since 2017 means no earlier poll cited in this period recorded a weaker result. It is a warning about declining public confidence, not proof that every voter wants the same alternative.

The Ipsos BVA-Cesi survey found that 15% had a favourable opinion of Macron, down one point in a month. The article links this fall to several pressures: secondary-school protests, a fuel crisis, and a difficult budget debate in an Assembly without a majority. His prime minister, Sébastien Lecornu, scored 22%, showing Macron’s rating is especially weak.

Low popularity can make governing harder. Political allies may become cautious, opponents may gain attention, and unpopular policies may face stronger resistance. Macron still has seven months before the end of his second term, but the poll suggests he is entering that period with limited public goodwill.

A presidential approval rating asks whether people approve of, or view favourably, the president’s performance or leadership. It is a snapshot of satisfaction with the person currently in office. It can change because of protests, economic worries, scandals, or disputes over government policy.

Voting intention asks a different question: which candidate someone would choose in an election. A person might disapprove of Macron’s performance but still vote for a candidate from his political camp. Another person might approve of him but prefer a different candidate in a future contest. The two percentages therefore should not be treated as interchangeable.

The article reports an approval-style measure for Macron: 15% had a favourable opinion. It separately ranks possible successors, including Jordan Bardella at 33% and Marine Le Pen at 32%. Those figures show favourable opinions, not confirmed election support or vote shares. The survey also does not establish who would win an election.

The poll shows a sharp contrast between the president and leading possible successors. Macron is viewed favourably by 15% of respondents, while the article’s opening figure says 82% disapprove of him. This is the weakest popularity result reported for him since 2017. The numbers indicate broad dissatisfaction, although approval and disapproval do not necessarily cover every respondent.

Jordan Bardella leads the possible successors with 33% favourable opinions. Marine Le Pen follows with 32%. Their positions remain stronger than Macron’s, but both lost support in one month. Bardella fell three points, and Le Pen fell four. Edouard Philippe was third at 20%, while Sarah Knafo and François Hollande each reached 18%.

The figures describe public attitudes in one survey, not election results. The poll was conducted online among 1,000 adults on 7 and 8 October. It came days after Mediapart’s first report about messages attributed to Bardella, so the ratings capture opinion during that controversy.

A president with low approval has less public backing for difficult decisions. That can embolden opposition parties, reduce allies’ willingness to defend government policy, and make protests harder to contain politically. The problem becomes more serious when the government lacks a parliamentary majority, because passing laws and budgets requires support beyond the governing camp.

The article gives a concrete combination of pressures: protests by secondary-school pupils, a fuel crisis, and a budget debate starting badly in the National Assembly. Without a majority, the government must negotiate with other groups or risk defeat. A visibly troubled budget debate can also focus attention on disagreements over spending, taxes, and public debt.

These conditions do not automatically remove a president from office, but they can restrict what the government achieves. They may force compromises, delay measures, or increase pressure for political change. In the article’s context, Macron faces these difficulties seven months before the end of his second term, while public approval is at its lowest level since 2017.

Purchasing power is the public’s top concern because it directly affects everyday life. When people feel that income does not keep pace with costs, they judge the government through their ability to afford essentials. The article records this concern at 54%, unchanged from the previous month.

The welfare system comes second at 44%, four points higher. People rely on welfare arrangements for protection against hardship and may worry about their future funding or availability. Public debt ranks third at 33%, up three points. Debt matters because it raises questions about how the government can pay for services while managing its finances.

Together, these concerns connect personal security with national policy. Voters may want stronger support for households but also worry about the cost of government action. The poll does not say how respondents would solve these tensions. It shows that economic security and the future of public services are central to views of the government.

Revelations about alleged antisemitic messages can affect more than the person named in them. Jordan Bardella is president of the Rassemblement national and a leading possible successor to Macron. His public image is therefore tied to the party’s credibility and electoral appeal. Marine Le Pen is also a leading RN figure, so negative attention around the party can affect her standing.

Mediapart attributed the messages to Bardella through an old Facebook account. Bardella denied the accusations. Even so, the controversy arrived just before the survey and offered voters a reason to reassess the two RN figures. Bardella’s favourable rating fell three points, while Le Pen’s fell four. The article reports association and timing, not proof that the revelations caused every change.

They still ranked first and second among possible successors, at 33% and 32%. The episode therefore weakened, but did not erase, their support in this poll. Its longer political effect would depend on how voters, the party, and future reporting respond.

In France’s political system, presidential elections determine who occupies the Elysée Palace. Public support matters because voters choose the president, and approval later shows how they judge that president’s performance. But approval is not the same as legal power. A president must still govern through institutions and political allies.

Parliamentary seats determine whether the government has a majority in the National Assembly. A majority normally makes it easier to pass laws and budgets. Without one, the government must seek support from other groups, negotiate, or face defeats. The article describes exactly this situation: the Assembly has no majority, and the budget debate began badly.

The survey’s possible successors show the difference between popularity and power. Bardella and Le Pen have the highest favourable ratings, but the article does not say they hold presidential office or command parliamentary majorities. Popularity may help a candidate campaign, while seats provide legislative leverage. Actual power depends on both electoral victory and the ability to secure parliamentary backing.