To Rebuild the Nepali Congress, Gagan Thapa Must First Reform It

Reforming and rebuilding the Nepali Congress means changing how the party chooses leaders, candidates, and policies. Thapa wants to end nepotism and groupism, open the party to a new generation, and restore public trust. This matters because Congress has fallen to just 38 seats after once dominating Nepal’s post-1990 politics.

His clearest proposals are primary elections for electoral candidates and a constitutional rule limiting any individual to two terms as prime minister. These measures could spread decision-making beyond senior factions. They would also make candidates compete for support instead of relying mainly on party connections. Bringing younger leaders into important roles could help renew the organization.

The challenge is political as well as organizational. The RSP now holds 182 of 275 lower-House seats and has captured much of Congress’s former space. Thapa must reunite Congress supporters, overcome the Deuba faction, and prove that liberal democratic values work in practice before the 2027 local and provincial elections.

The Nepali Congress is a social democratic political party that played a central role in Nepal after 1990. For most of that period, it was the country’s dominant political force. The party also became identified with liberal democratic values and with leaders regarded as principled, including B.P. Koirala and Ganesh Man Singh.

Its historical role was larger than simply winning elections. Congress represented a major democratic tradition in Nepal and helped define the country’s established political order. That legacy is now being tested because the article contrasts its earlier reputation with the centralizing and power-hoarding style associated with former president Sher Bahadur Deuba.

Congress is now much weaker. It holds 38 seats in the 275-member lower House, while the RSP has 182. Thapa’s task is to rebuild the organization, reconnect with voters, and show why liberal democratic values still matter. A competitive Congress could also make the powerful RSP government more accountable.

The scale of Congress’s defeat is stark. It holds just 38 seats in Nepal’s 275-member lower House. The Rastriya Swatantra Party, by contrast, won 182 seats. The difference is 144 seats, leaving the RSP with nearly five times as many seats as Congress. The RSP therefore secured a near two-thirds majority.

These figures show more than an ordinary election loss. Congress had been Nepal’s dominant political force for much of the post-1990 period, but the RSP took ownership of the Gen Z movement and attracted voters angry with established parties. Congress’s March 2026 performance came after Thapa’s leadership revolt and a broader collapse of confidence in the old political order.

The result leaves Congress with a much smaller platform and a harder recovery. The RSP now occupies much of the political space Congress once held. Unless Thapa can rebuild the party and reconnect with younger voters, the RSP is expected to remain strong in the 2027 local and provincial elections.

The Gen Z protests weakened Nepal’s established parties by showing that their leaders had lost legitimacy and control. In only two days in September 2025, protesters forced communist Prime Minister K.P. Oli to run for his life. Congress leader Sher Bahadur Deuba was badly beaten, and many political leaders’ homes were burned, including Thapa’s Kathmandu home.

The protests created an opening because they discredited the old leadership across party lines. The movement also triggered a rebellion inside Congress. Second-generation leaders under Thapa removed Deuba from party leadership, although many voters viewed the change as too late. The RSP then took ownership of the movement’s anger and converted anti-establishment energy into electoral support.

That opening produced a huge result in March 2026. The RSP won 182 of 275 lower-House seats, while Congress won 38. The RSP remains popular under Rabi Lamichhane and Balendra Shah. Its expected strength in 2027 will test whether Congress can recover.

Primary elections, term limits, and less nepotism would change who controls political opportunity. Primaries could let voters or party members choose electoral candidates instead of leaving nominations mainly to senior factions. A two-term limit for prime ministers could reduce power-hoarding and make leadership turnover more normal. Ending nepotism could give newer figures a fairer route into politics.

The mechanism is greater competition and accountability. Candidates would need to win support through a more open selection process. Leaders would face a clear limit on how long one person could remain prime minister. The party would also signal that advancement depends less on family ties or factional loyalty. Together, these changes could create more democratic space inside Congress and nationally.

Their effect depends on implementation and political support. Congress must first recover from its defeat, reunite after the Deuba split, and rebuild before the 2027 elections. If successful, reforms could restore its credibility and provide a stronger liberal democratic counterweight to the RSP government.

The Deuba faction creates an internal power problem for Thapa. Disgruntled leaders still support the former president, and a large number of old Congress stalwarts could remain on Deuba’s side. That would weaken Thapa’s ability to rebuild party organization, unite local structures, and present Congress as a credible alternative to the RSP.

The Supreme Court adds a legal layer to the conflict. It is considering whether the Thapa-led Congress is legally valid and whether the Deuba faction should be recognized as the authentic Congress party. The court’s decision could determine which group controls the party’s name, organization, and political legitimacy. That mechanism could either strengthen Thapa’s authority or undermine it.

Thapa therefore faces a race against time. Congress already holds only 38 lower-House seats, while the RSP holds 182. A court decision favoring Deuba would further damage Thapa’s attempt to renew Congress, especially before the local and provincial elections scheduled for 2027.

A competitive opposition party gives voters an alternative and makes government power easier to challenge. It can criticize questionable decisions, expose failures, and force leaders to defend their actions publicly. This matters especially when one party has a near two-thirds majority, as the RSP does with 182 of the lower House’s 275 seats.

The article points to the RSP government’s early record as a warning. In six months, it made decisions that critics questioned, including removing squatters without due process and jailing political leaders on what the article calls flimsy legal grounds. An effective Congress could scrutinize such actions and insist that government power respect democratic rights.

Congress must therefore become electorally competitive, not merely preserve its historical identity. Thapa needs to rebuild the party, reunite its factions, and demonstrate liberal democratic values in practice. If it fails, the RSP may occupy that space without proving its commitment to liberal principles.