Israel seeks Saudi nod to join Yemen campaign against Houthis, but MBS objects

Israel wants Saudi approval for its forces to join the military campaign against Yemen’s Houthis, also called Ansar Allah. The request matters because Saudi Arabia has not recognised Israel, so military cooperation would represent a major change in relations. It is reportedly being pursued through US mediation.

The proposed cooperation would involve Israeli participation in strikes targeting the Houthis alongside Saudi forces. Earlier talks reportedly focused on Israeli intelligence assistance to help Riyadh defend itself. The request followed Houthi drone and missile attacks on Saudi territory, including infrastructure in Riyadh.

Netanyahu sees the campaign as more than a security operation. A second source told Haaretz that Israel hopes cooperation against a shared enemy could strengthen bilateral ties and support eventual normalisation. Mohammed bin Salman remains reluctant, fearing Saudi public opposition to open military involvement with Israel.

The Houthis are identified in the article as Ansar Allah, a militia fighting in Yemen. They have battled Saudi-backed Yemeni forces and Yemen’s internationally recognised government. The group also controls or has contested strategic territory, including parts of Yemen’s Red Sea coast and the port city of Mokha.

Their attacks on Saudi Arabia include drones and missiles aimed at civilian and oil-producing infrastructure. The article reports strikes on King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh. Those attacks happened as the wider conflict intensified, after Saudi-backed forces pushed the Houthis back from some earlier gains.

The article does not state the Houthis’ wider political or ideological reasons for attacking Saudi Arabia. Based on the text, the immediate context is their continuing war with Saudi-backed forces and Yemen’s recognised government. The attacks have created the security problem that Israel wants to help Saudi Arabia address.

Mohammed bin Salman is reportedly reluctant because open cooperation with Israel could trigger a negative reaction among Saudi citizens. This makes the issue politically sensitive inside Saudi Arabia. Military coordination may offer security benefits, but it could also expose the kingdom’s leadership to public criticism.

The concern arose as Israel sought permission to join strikes against the Houthis. The article also describes earlier talks involving Israeli intelligence assistance for Saudi defence. Netanyahu has publicly condemned Houthi attacks, including the strike on King Khalid International Airport, but public sympathy does not remove the political risks of formal cooperation.

For Mohammed bin Salman, the choice therefore involves security and legitimacy. Accepting Israel could improve coordination against a common enemy and possibly strengthen ties. Rejecting or limiting the proposal avoids the feared backlash. The article presents his reported caution as the main obstacle to Israel’s broader military role.

If Israel joined the campaign, the two countries could build closer practical cooperation against the Houthis. Netanyahu hopes that working against a common adversary would strengthen bilateral ties. That could create momentum toward formal diplomatic relations and Saudi recognition of Israel.

The mechanism would be security coordination. Israel could contribute military capabilities or intelligence while Saudi Arabia confronts Houthi drones and missiles. The article says earlier talks, mediated by US Central Command, focused on intelligence assistance. Such cooperation would give both governments a direct channel for working together.

The result is uncertain because the same partnership could create domestic backlash in Saudi Arabia. Mohammed bin Salman is reportedly wary of that reaction. Saudi Arabia also maintains that normalisation depends on progress toward an independent Palestinian state, while Netanyahu opposes Palestinian statehood. Cooperation could therefore help diplomacy, but also expose its obstacles.

The war in Gaza made recognition politically harder because it intensified the Palestinian issue at the centre of Saudi-Israeli diplomacy. The article says a possible agreement had appeared close before the October 7 Hamas attack and the subsequent war in Gaza derailed those efforts.

Saudi Arabia has consistently said that normalisation depends on substantial progress toward establishing an independent Palestinian state. That condition gives the Palestinian question a formal place in any diplomatic agreement. The Gaza war has therefore made it harder for Riyadh to move toward recognition without addressing Palestinian statehood.

Netanyahu’s opposition to Palestinian statehood remains a major obstacle. His government is also conducting military operations in Gaza, the West Bank and elsewhere, according to the article. Even if Israel and Saudi Arabia cooperate against the Houthis, that security relationship may not overcome the political consequences of the Gaza war.

The Bab-el-Mandeb Strait is a narrow passage connecting the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and the wider Indian Ocean. It matters because ships using the Red Sea route between Europe and Asia pass through or near this gateway. Disruption can force longer journeys and raise transport risks and costs. These details are established geographic and economic context beyond the article.

The article says the Houthis seized much of Yemen’s Red Sea coast, including Mokha, and gained control of the strait. That created a strategic advantage during the conflict. Saudi-backed forces later recaptured Mokha, but the Houthis continued fighting across Yemen.

The strait is also important for regional security because control or threat around it can affect neighbouring states and military operations. The article does not give figures for global shipping or oil flows. Its central point is that Houthi control of this critical route increased the stakes of the Yemen conflict.

Two governments can face the same enemy without forming an open alliance because security interests are only one part of foreign policy. Leaders must also consider public opinion, sovereignty, diplomatic costs and whether cooperation serves wider national goals. An informal or limited arrangement can deliver benefits without the visibility of a formal alliance.

The article illustrates this tension. Israel wants to join the campaign against the Houthis, while Saudi Arabia may benefit from Israeli intelligence or military capabilities. Yet Mohammed bin Salman reportedly fears that visible cooperation would trigger negative reactions among Saudi citizens. Riyadh can therefore seek assistance while limiting public association.

The countries also disagree on the Palestinian issue. Saudi Arabia links normalisation to progress toward Palestinian statehood, while Netanyahu opposes it. Cooperation against the Houthis could create a practical channel, but it cannot automatically resolve those political differences. A common threat may encourage coordination without producing an open military partnership.