Israel’s 2026 election: Who are the main leaders and where do they stand on the key issues?

Israel's main contest pits Benjamin Netanyahu's Likud against Gadi Eisenkot's Yashar-led Change bloc. Netanyahu is associated with military strength, West Bank settlement expansion, opposition to Palestinian statehood, and disarming Hamas. Eisenkot presents himself as a moderate critic of Netanyahu's Gaza strategy, especially stalled hostage talks.

The differences are not absolute. Eisenkot opposes formal West Bank annexation but also rejects a two-state solution, calling it unviable after 7 October. Netanyahu's government has pursued the E1 settlement project and proposed judicial changes that triggered protests. Those judicial changes have mostly been shelved. The article does not give detailed positions from these leaders on ultra-Orthodox military conscription.

The Change bloc also includes Naftali Bennett's B'Yachad and Avigdor Liberman's Yisrael Beiteinu. Netanyahu's Likud remains strong on the Israeli right despite criticism over Gaza, Iran, and the October attacks. Polls suggest neither side can govern alone, making smaller parties decisive.

The Knesset is Israel's national parliament. It has 120 members who are elected through proportional representation. This system matters because political power is spread among parties instead of being concentrated automatically in one governing party.

Voters choose parties rather than directly electing a single prime minister or constituency representative. Seats are then allocated according to parties' support. The parties that win seats negotiate with one another to create a governing coalition. A coalition needs at least 61 Knesset members to control a majority.

Since Israel was founded in 1948, no single party has won that 61-seat threshold. Coalition bargaining is therefore a normal part of forming a government. After the 2026 election, the largest parties may still need smaller ultra-Orthodox, far-right, or other parties to pass the majority mark and govern.

Israel's Knesset has 120 seats, so 61 are needed for a majority and for a coalition to control the government. This threshold is central because proportional representation usually divides seats among several parties rather than handing power to one party.

The article lists Likud as holding 32 of the 120 seats. Gadi Eisenkot's Yashar is described as a new party, so it has no current Knesset seats. The wider Change bloc includes other parties, including B'Yachad and Yisrael Beiteinu, but the article does not provide their current seat totals.

These figures explain why coalition negotiations matter more than simply finishing first. Even a leading party remains far short of 61. Polls forecast a deadlock, meaning Netanyahu or his rivals must seek partners among smaller parties to assemble a governing majority.

A deadlock means the election may produce no clear governing majority. Israel's proportional system distributes seats among multiple parties, and 61 of the 120 Knesset seats are needed to control the government. The article says polls forecast that both Netanyahu and his rivals will fall short.

The practical mechanism is coalition bargaining. Netanyahu's bloc or the Change bloc must reach out to smaller parties, including parties supported by ultra-Orthodox voters or the Israeli far right. Those parties can exchange their seats for influence in forming the next government. The Change bloc itself already combines several opposition parties.

If neither main bloc reaches 61, the winner cannot govern alone. Politicians must cut new deals and build a coalition. The article does not specify a final fallback procedure, but it makes clear that government formation depends on negotiations and that the result could remain politically uncertain.

Voting eligibility in this election follows Israeli citizenship, not simply residence in territory controlled or occupied by Israel. Israeli settlers living in the occupied territories can vote because they are Israeli citizens. Millions of Palestinians in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza do not have Israeli citizenship and therefore cannot vote.

Palestinian citizens living inside Israel are eligible voters. Their parties, however, faced a separate political obstacle: Arab parties were initially banned from the race in September, before that ban was overturned earlier this month. Arab turnout is usually below average because of boycotts.

The article expects higher Palestinian citizen turnout this time. The Palestinian-led Joint List forecasts 70 percent turnout. This could affect the balance between blocs, especially if more Arab voters participate, but the article does not say how many seats Arab parties will win.

The 7 October 2023 Hamas-led attacks and the wars that followed have transformed the election into a judgment on security leadership. The article says the election is the first since those attacks, the genocide in Gaza, and the war on Iran. Netanyahu's handling of these crises has drawn wide criticism and isolated Israel internationally.

Many Israelis question decisions before 7 October, including whether Netanyahu ignored warnings and whether he played Hamas against Fatah to weaken the Palestinian Authority. The attack killed 1,200 people. Netanyahu opposes an official commission of inquiry, while Eisenkot has criticized aspects of Gaza policy, including stalled hostage talks.

The wars continue to shape voters' concerns. The article says the Iran war failed to secure a decisive victory, and tens of thousands of Israelis remain displaced amid Hezbollah attacks from Lebanon. These pressures make security and accountability major election issues.

Smaller parties are important because Israel's proportional system rarely produces a single-party majority. The Knesset has 120 seats, but no party since 1948 has won the 61 needed to govern alone. As a result, the largest bloc must assemble partners after the election.

Ultra-Orthodox and far-right parties can provide crucial seats to Netanyahu's right-wing coalition. Arab parties represent Palestinian citizens of Israel and could influence the balance if turnout rises. The Change bloc also depends on combining several parties, including B'Yachad and Yisrael Beiteinu, rather than relying only on Yashar.

This reveals how parliamentary government works without a majority winner. Elections determine the distribution of seats, but coalition negotiations determine who governs. Polls suggest another deadlock, so smaller parties may shape policy on security, settlements, conscription, and judicial reform by choosing which bloc to support.