Albanian police fire rubber bullets as protests against Rama escalate

Tirana faced five straight days of violent antigovernment protests. Demonstrators gathered near Prime Minister Edi Rama’s office and other central streets. They threw stones, petrol bombs and fireworks. Some burned cars and rubbish bins. The clashes mattered because student grievances had grown into a broader demand for Rama’s resignation.

Police used crowd-control measures as protesters pushed against security lines and fires blocked streets. Officers deployed tear gas, water cannon and baton charges. The AFP reported that rubber bullets were used for the first time since the demonstrations began. Police chief Skender Hita said their use was limited.

The violence caused injuries and arrests. Nine protesters and four police officers received medical treatment on Saturday. Hita said 167 people had been arrested over five days, while 132 officers were injured. Seven officers were suspended during investigations into alleged excessive force.

Rubber bullets are crowd-control projectiles made with rubber or other flexible materials. They are intended to injure or stop a person without the same expected lethality as conventional bullets. The article reports that Albanian police used them in a limited manner during the Tirana protests. It does not describe their exact design or firing distance.

They are called less-lethal, not non-lethal, because serious harm remains possible. A projectile can break bones, damage eyes, cause internal injuries or become fatal, especially if aimed at the head, neck or chest. Their effect also depends on distance, weapon type and how officers use them.

That distinction matters during unrest. Police must respond to petrol bombs, fires and attacks while limiting harm to demonstrators and bystanders. In Albania, seven officers were suspended while allegations of excessive authority were investigated. The rubber-bullet deployment therefore raised both safety and accountability concerns.

The figures show a sustained and increasingly intense confrontation rather than a single isolated protest. Clashes continued in Tirana for five consecutive days. The unrest involved students, wider antigovernment demonstrators and police. Protesters attacked security lines with stones, petrol bombs and fireworks, while fires created barricades across central streets.

National police chief Skender Hita said 167 people had been arrested during the five days. He also reported that 132 police officers had been injured. These figures indicate that the violence placed heavy demands on law enforcement and created a large arrest operation.

Saturday’s medical figures show harm on both sides. The Ministry of Health and Social Welfare said nine protesters and four police officers received treatment that day. Seven officers were suspended pending investigations into alleged excessive authority. Police also used tear gas, water cannon, batons and, for the first time, rubber bullets.

Edi Rama is Albania’s prime minister. His centre-left Socialist Party has held power since 2013, and Rama is serving his fourth term. He has refused to resign. His long tenure makes the protests a direct challenge to the government, not only a dispute over one policy or event.

Protesters’ demands combine practical complaints with political accusations. Students cite expensive university fees, poor educational facilities and limited employment opportunities. The wider movement also alleges government corruption. Months of rallies by the Flamingo movement expanded from opposition to a luxury tourism development into demands for Rama’s resignation.

Rama visited businesses damaged during the unrest. He promised to listen to students and protect their right to demonstrate, while warning against further destruction. He also accused conservative political opponents of encouraging violence. The confrontation now links social pressures, corruption allegations and competing political claims.

Student protests often become wider political movements when everyday problems appear connected to government decisions. In Albania, students complained about expensive university fees, poor educational facilities and limited employment opportunities. These concerns affected their education and prospects, but protesters also linked them to allegations of corruption in Rama’s government.

The student action therefore joined an existing protest network. The Flamingo movement had already organised months of antigovernment rallies. It began with opposition to a luxury tourism development on Albania’s southern coast. Its demands later expanded to include Rama’s resignation. Students added energy and a broader social base to that movement.

This combination made the confrontation larger than a campus dispute. Protesters set fire to a suitcase and threw it into the Education Ministry’s courtyard, symbolising their determination not to leave Albania for better opportunities. The movement then spread beyond Tirana, including road blockades and damage in Durres.

Prolonged protests can affect more than the government they challenge. Political negotiations may become harder as leaders face pressure to resign and opponents accuse one another of fuelling violence. Public trust can weaken when people see repeated clashes, arrests or allegations of excessive force. These are general risks; the article directly records Albania’s continuing confrontation and political accusations.

The economic effects can include damaged businesses, blocked roads and disruption to normal activity. In Tirana, cars and rubbish bins were burned, and Rama visited businesses damaged during the unrest. In Durres, protesters damaged a post office and blocked roads with burning barricades. Such disruption can affect workers, customers and public services.

Public safety also becomes harder to manage as violence spreads. The article reports 132 injured officers, arrests and medical treatment for protesters and police. Further escalation could increase injuries and damage. Rama promised to listen to students and protect protest rights while warning against more destruction.

A democratic government has two duties that can conflict during unrest. It must protect the right to peaceful demonstration, but it must also protect people, public buildings and private property. The key principle is to distinguish peaceful participants from violent acts and use only necessary, proportionate measures. These are established democratic-governance principles, not all details stated in the article.

Albania’s events show the challenge clearly. Protesters threw stones, petrol bombs and fireworks, burned cars and bins, and pushed against police lines. Officers responded with tear gas, water cannon, baton charges and limited use of rubber bullets. Rama said he would protect students’ right to demonstrate while warning against destruction.

Accountability is part of the balance. Seven police officers were suspended pending investigations into alleged excessive authority. Arrests and force should be reviewed fairly, while violent conduct should be addressed. Transparent investigations can help protect public safety without treating peaceful protest itself as criminal.