Mali: Malian Army and Rebels Committing Abuses Against Civilians, Rights Group Says

Human Rights Watch reported serious violations by every major armed side in Mali. Malian forces and Russia-linked Africa Corps personnel were accused of killing and wounding civilians during attacks and in custody. JNIM and separatist fighters were also accused of violating the laws of war. The allegations matter because civilians and prisoners are protected even during an active conflict.

The report described two apparently indiscriminate drone attacks. One damaged a health centre in Talhandak. Another struck a market in Tombonkore, killing six civilians and injuring at least 20. HRW also said soldiers killed five girls, while allied Dozo militias killed three civilians. After a July convoy attack, JNIM and the FLA allegedly tortured and executed at least 19 captured soldiers.

These incidents show abuses on several fronts, not just by one side. HRW called for urgent African Union action. Amnesty International separately reported alleged killings and torture by Malian and Wagner personnel between 2023 and 2025. The report also says many abuses occurred with impunity.

International humanitarian law is the body of rules governing conduct during armed conflict. It protects civilians, wounded people, detainees, and other people not actively fighting. It also restricts attacks and prohibits torture, murder, and executions of captured people. These rules apply regardless of who started the war or whether a force is officially part of a state.

The reason is practical and legal. Government forces must follow treaty and customary rules, while organized armed groups must respect core protections when they take part in an armed conflict. In Mali, that means soldiers, Russia-linked paramilitaries, JNIM, the FLA, and militias cannot treat civilians or prisoners as lawful targets. The article uses these standards to assess alleged drone strikes, custody killings, torture, and executions.

Compliance remains a major problem. HRW reported abuses by state-linked forces and insurgents, while Amnesty International reported alleged war crimes in joint operations. Investigations, evidence preservation, and prosecutions can test these allegations. The article does not describe any completed trials or penalties for the reported incidents.

The report describes at least 14 civilian deaths and at least 20 civilian injuries in specific attacks. Six civilians were killed and at least 20 injured when a drone struck a market in Tombonkore. Five girls were allegedly shot and killed during a counter-insurgency operation in Segou. Dozo militias later allegedly killed three civilians in Mopti.

The soldier deaths are a separate category. HRW said JNIM and the FLA tortured and executed at least 19 Malian soldiers captured after an attack on a military convoy in Tabrichat on 18 July. JNIM admitted prisoners were killed but denied ordering the deaths. The FLA acknowledged clashes but denied executing soldiers.

These figures are not a complete nationwide toll. They count the incidents and minimum numbers described in the report. The partially destroyed health centre in Talhandak had no stated casualty figure. The wider report says scores of civilians were killed or wounded by Malian forces and Africa Corps, so the total could be higher.

The Malian army is the junta-controlled national military. The junta turned to Russia for support, first using Wagner personnel and then the Africa Corps, described as the Russia-controlled successor from 2025. Together, they fight jihadists, separatists, and criminal gangs. Dozo militias are local armed allies that supported army operations in the reported Mopti incident.

JNIM is an al-Qaeda-linked jihadist group. It fights Malian forces and was involved in the Tabrichat attack on a military convoy. The FLA is a mainly Tuareg separatist movement. It also clashes with the army and Russian forces, and HRW linked it to the treatment of captured soldiers. The article does not give detailed political platforms for either group.

The sides therefore form a shifting conflict structure: junta forces and Russian allies oppose jihadists and separatists, while militias support some military operations. Criminal gangs are also part of the wider security crisis. The article identifies these roles but does not explain the groups’ full recruitment, financing, or territorial goals.

Mali has faced armed conflict since 2012 because the army has been fighting several opponents at once. The article identifies jihadist fighters, Tuareg separatist groups, and criminal gangs as central forces in the security crisis. This has made the conflict broader than a simple government-versus-rebel war, with violence affecting central and northern regions.

Back-to-back coups in 2020 and 2021 created the junta that now rules Mali. After taking power, the junta turned to Russia for support. It enlisted Wagner Group paramilitaries, whose Mali presence became part of the Africa Corps in 2025. The new partnership placed Russian-controlled forces alongside the Malian military in operations against insurgents and separatists.

The alliance change did not end the conflict. HRW reported alleged abuses by the Malian military and Africa Corps, while JNIM and separatist fighters also committed alleged violations. The article gives no detailed account of Mali’s earlier international alliances or the junta’s precise diplomatic calculations. It does show that the Russian partnership became central to the government’s security strategy.

When military operations and armed-group attacks continue without accountability, civilians face repeated danger and fewer safe places to turn. Hospitals and health centres can be damaged, markets can become deadly, and communities may fear both government operations and insurgent violence. The article directly documents a partially destroyed health centre and a market attack that killed civilians.

The mechanism is cumulative. Violence injures people, disrupts local services, and forces communities to avoid roads, markets, or contested areas. Damage to a health centre can reduce treatment capacity just as injuries increase. Checkpoints, fighting, and insecurity can also obstruct humanitarian workers. The article does not measure aid disruptions, but these are established consequences of sustained conflict.

Accountability matters because HRW described several abuses as occurring with impunity. Without credible investigations, victims may receive no remedy and perpetrators may face little deterrence. HRW urged the African Union’s Peace and Security Council to act urgently. Continued inaction could leave civilians exposed to abuses by state-linked forces and armed groups.

Captured soldiers are no longer taking part in fighting, so humanitarian law protects them from murder, torture, and cruel treatment. These protections apply to prisoners held by governments and armed groups. Banning abuse also prevents retaliation and limits the human cost of war. The article therefore treats the alleged killing of 19 captured soldiers as a serious laws-of-war violation.

A war-crimes investigation would document what happened, where, and when. Investigators could interview witnesses, examine medical or site evidence, verify videos, and identify the units or fighters involved. They would then examine orders, command structures, and efforts to prevent or punish abuses. In Tabrichat, JNIM admitted prisoners were killed but denied ordering the deaths, while the FLA denied executing soldiers.

State forces and non-state groups can both face responsibility when evidence supports the allegations. Courts or other credible mechanisms may prosecute direct perpetrators and, where applicable, commanders who ordered or knowingly failed to stop crimes. The article reports calls for action but does not identify completed prosecutions.