With selfies and squats, Brazil's Lula fights for one last comeback

Lula is attempting one last political comeback. He has already served three presidential terms, lost power, faced corruption charges and imprisonment, then returned to office almost four years ago. He is now competing for a fourth term in what he presents as his final election battle.

His opponent is Flávio Bolsonaro, the son of Lula’s longtime political nemesis, Jair Bolsonaro. Lula finished second to Flávio in the first round, forcing a runoff. To recover, Lula has changed his campaign style, using exercise clips and selfie videos to reach Brazil’s online voters.

Winning would keep Lula in the presidency and give him the triumphant ending he seeks. It would also extend his record as Brazil’s longest-serving democratically elected leader. If he loses, he will leave office without that finale, but his legacy will include social programs, reduced Amazon destruction and a return to power after imprisonment.

A presidential runoff is a second round held between the leading candidates from the first round. It gives voters another choice when the initial result does not produce a winning majority under the country’s election rules. The runoff decides which finalist will become president.

In this election, Lula did not finish first. The article says he was blindsided after coming in second place to right-wing senator Flávio Bolsonaro in the first round. Because neither leading candidate had secured the result needed to end the contest, Lula and Flávio advanced to Sunday’s runoff.

The second round matters because Lula must now broaden his appeal beyond his traditional supporters. His first campaign focused heavily on his life story and legacy, but critics said voters wanted other answers. He responded by changing tactics, using social media, exercise videos and younger lawmakers’ advice to compete for attention.

Lula’s political record spans more than four decades. He first entered Brazil’s presidential palace in 2003 and won re-election in 2006. After leaving office in 2010, he returned to power almost four years before this campaign. He is now seeking a fourth term in his final election battle.

His earlier presidency coincided with a commodity-based economic boom. The article credits that period with helping lift 30 million people out of poverty. Lula also became a blue-collar hero, especially among poorer Brazilians who remembered the social programs introduced during his time in office.

That record remains central to his campaign, particularly in Brazil’s poor northeast. Yet it does not guarantee broad support. Lula still faces rejection linked to crime, corruption and public debt. His political scale is therefore both an asset and a burden: voters remember major social gains, but also the scandals and divisions surrounding his career.

The sudden shift reflected a campaign problem. Lula is a defining figure in Brazilian politics, but his first-round strategy leaned heavily on his life story and past achievements. The article says critics believed this misunderstood what weary voters wanted. Meanwhile, Brazil’s population had become deeply polarised and highly active online.

After finishing second, Lula asked tech-savvy young lawmakers for a crash course in social media. He began posting selfie videos, showing workouts and jogging through crowds. These tactics copied a style his rivals had already used for months. His campaign also highlighted his fitness at almost 81, including squats and running.

The goal was to make Lula more visible and relatable in a digital campaign. The change also exposed the gap between his older political image and the country’s online culture. Whether it could repair that disconnect before the runoff was crucial to his attempt to defeat Flávio Bolsonaro.

Corruption scandals involving Lula and his party badly damaged their reputation. They fueled a wave of public disgust and helped propel far-right leader Jair Bolsonaro into the presidency in 2018. The scandals therefore changed not only Lula’s standing, but also Brazil’s broader political direction.

Lula was jailed later that year. The charges were eventually thrown out on procedural grounds, and the lead judge was found to be biased. However, the article stresses that Lula was not exonerated. This complicated his return, because supporters saw a path back to power while critics continued to associate him with corruption.

The result was enduring polarisation. Bolsonaro’s presidency was also divisive, and Lula later defeated him by a razor-thin margin in the 2022 election. Lula’s current contest against Flávio Bolsonaro continues that conflict. The political divide remains tied to arguments over corruption, democracy, crime and the country’s future direction.

Programs such as Bolsa Familia are social welfare programs aimed at helping poor families. The article links them to a basic improvement in daily life: families that once faced hunger can afford more food and make choices at the table. In Brazil’s poor northeast, many voters still remember the hardship they experienced before Lula’s programs were introduced.

Bolsa Familia was launched 20 years ago and remains Lula’s most significant legacy. During the campaign, he supported an increase in its benefits. Fisherman Antonio Carlos Lima Ferreira said the program changed his household’s situation, allowing him to choose what he wanted to eat instead of sending his son to bed hungry.

The concern is cost. Lula faced criticism over an election-season spending push, while Brazil’s public debt was mounting. High interest rates mean the government already pays around US$18 billion each month in interest. Expanding benefits can therefore help families while increasing pressure on public finances.

Public debt is the total money a government owes to lenders after borrowing. Governments borrow to pay for programs, services and other expenses when available revenue is not enough. Debt must later be serviced through interest payments and repayment of the borrowed amount.

High interest rates raise the price of every borrowed dollar. They also increase the cost of refinancing old debt when it comes due. Brazil therefore has to devote more public money to interest instead of social programs or other priorities. The article says high rates make the government’s interest bill about US$18 billion a month.

This helps explain criticism of Lula’s spending plans. He supported increasing Bolsa Familia benefits during an election-season spending push, while public debt was mounting. Social programs can help poor families, but expensive borrowing makes expansion harder to sustain. The issue will remain important whether Lula wins or leaves office after the runoff.