Milei calls Lula a “leftist thief” and says he hopes he will not “steal” Brazil’s election

Javier Milei has escalated his public criticism of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Brazil’s president. He accused Lula of running a “dirty campaign” and suggested that Lula might try to “steal” Sunday’s presidential runoff. The remarks add tension to an already difficult relationship between the leaders.

Milei’s message responded to a television interview in which Lula defended a shorter working week. Lula argued that a woman cannot work six days, rest one, and still manage household cleaning on her day off. Milei attacked Lula’s position and called him a “leftist thief,” repeating an insult he had used before.

Milei is supporting Senator Flávio Bolsonaro, who faces Lula in the runoff. The result could affect the relationship between Argentina and Brazil, since Brazil is Argentina’s main trading partner. It may also influence cooperation within Mercosur, whose two largest economies are Brazil and Argentina.

A presidential runoff is a second vote held between the leading candidates after the first round fails to produce a decisive winner. Its purpose is to let voters choose directly between the finalists. This usually produces a clearer mandate than a crowded first-round contest.

Brazil’s first round was closely contested. Flávio Bolsonaro won 47.03% of the vote, while Lula received 45.16%, according to the article. Because the difference was narrow and neither candidate had settled the contest, the two advanced to the runoff. The article describes Sunday’s vote as the presidential runoff.

The runoff therefore concentrates the choice between Lula and Bolsonaro. Polls show a statistical tie, so the outcome remains uncertain. It also matters beyond Brazil because Milei has openly backed Bolsonaro, while Brazil is Argentina’s main trading partner and both countries are Mercosur’s largest economies.

Brazil’s first round was remarkably close. Flávio Bolsonaro won 47.03% of the vote, while Lula won 45.16%. The gap was just 1.87 percentage points. That narrow margin explains why neither side could treat the election as settled and why the runoff remained highly competitive.

The percentages show that Bolsonaro entered the second round with a small lead, not a commanding advantage. Lula was only slightly behind, leaving both campaigns within reach of victory. In a runoff, votes from other candidates and changes in turnout can become decisive, even when the initial gap is small.

The article reports that polls show a statistical tie before Sunday’s vote. That means the first-round result provides no reliable prediction of the final winner. The closeness also raises the stakes of the contest for Argentina, whose president Milei has publicly supported Bolsonaro and criticized Lula.

Lula was convicted of corruption in the Lava Jato investigation and spent 580 days in prison. Those convictions might normally have prevented him from returning to electoral politics. His legal and political future changed when Brazil’s Supreme Federal Court intervened in 2021.

The court annulled Lula’s convictions rather than leaving them in force. The article does not describe the detailed legal reasoning, but it clearly states the consequence: the convictions were removed and Lula’s political rights were restored. This allowed him to participate in elections again.

That decision is central to Lula’s presence in the current presidential runoff. He is now facing Senator Flávio Bolsonaro after receiving 45.16% in the first round. The history also helps explain why Lula remains a polarizing figure, while Milei continues to describe him as a “thief” despite the court’s 2021 ruling.

Milei’s attacks on Lula had a direct diplomatic consequence before his latest message. After Milei called Lula a “jailbird” and a “thief” in July, Brazil recalled its ambassador in Buenos Aires for consultations. This moved the dispute beyond social-media insults and into formal government relations.

The mechanism was political pressure through diplomatic representation. Recalling an ambassador signals serious displeasure without necessarily ending relations. The article also notes that Milei called Lula a “thief” again on October 7, posting an image of the Brazilian president on Instagram. His new accusation therefore repeated a pattern rather than creating a completely new dispute.

Brazil had not commented on the latest message when the article was published. The earlier recall shows that further attacks could complicate cooperation. That matters because Brazil is Argentina’s main trading partner, and both countries are Mercosur’s largest economies.

Brazil’s election matters to Argentina because the countries are economically linked, not merely because their presidents are arguing. The article identifies Brazil as Argentina’s main trading partner. That means the Brazilian government’s priorities can affect an important channel for Argentine commerce and broader bilateral cooperation.

The political relationship could look different depending on the winner. Milei has publicly backed Flávio Bolsonaro and repeatedly attacked Lula. Lula, meanwhile, has criticized Bolsonaro by asking whether he would apply Milei’s “chainsaw” to cut public spending. These exchanges show that the election connects Brazilian domestic politics with Argentina’s political debate.

Brazil and Argentina are also Mercosur’s largest economies. Their presidents therefore have influence over the bloc’s direction and their countries’ working relationship. A Bolsonaro victory could align Brazil’s leadership more closely with Milei, while a Lula victory could preserve the current personal conflict. The article does not predict the policy outcome.

Mercosur is a regional trading bloc in South America. In general, such blocs reduce barriers between members and coordinate parts of their trade policy. That can make cross-border commerce easier, give members greater negotiating weight, and create regular political channels. The article identifies Brazil and Argentina as Mercosur’s largest economies.

Their size gives their governments particular influence inside the bloc. If Argentina and Brazil cooperate, they can support smoother trade and coordinated positions. If their leaders clash, personal disputes may make agreement harder. The article shows this risk through Milei’s repeated attacks on Lula and Brazil’s earlier decision to recall its ambassador for consultations.

The election could therefore affect more than Brazil’s presidency. It may shape how the two largest Mercosur economies communicate and cooperate. Brazil is Argentina’s main trading partner, and the article reports a statistical tie before the runoff. It does not state which policies the eventual winner will pursue, so the precise consequences remain uncertain.