Support slips for Latin America's new right-wing leaders

Several recently elected conservative leaders are seeing voters grow impatient. The article names Peru’s Keiko Fujimori, Colombia’s Abelardo de la Espriella, Chile’s José Antonio Kast, and Argentina’s Javier Milei. Their difficulties matter because they won office promising fast improvements in security, economic conditions, or government performance.

The clearest figure comes from Peru. An Ipsos poll showed Fujimori’s approval falling to 40%, down from 57% when she took office in August. De la Espriella lost more than three points during his first month. In Chile, one-quarter of Kast’s supporters said they regretted voting for him. Milei’s ratings reached record lows before his expected reelection campaign.

The evidence points to a regional pattern, not one isolated leader. An AmericasBarometer survey found weak support for leaders of eight US allies in Trump’s “Shield of the Americas.” Analysts say voters expected quick results, but problems such as crime and economic weakness take longer to solve. The political risk is growing frustration and possible electoral punishment.

In political terms, right-wing or conservative usually refers to leaders who favor traditional institutions, stronger law enforcement, private enterprise, and gradual or limited government change. The article uses these labels for leaders elected after promising to curb crime, revive weak economies, and build closer relations with US President Donald Trump.

The examples show several possible versions of conservatism. Kast was elected as Chile’s most conservative president in three decades amid concern about organized crime. Paz was described as a moderate, pro-business alternative in Bolivia. Bukele represents a harder security model, using mass arrests and a state of emergency to reduce gang violence.

The article also warns against treating ideology as the entire explanation for falling support. Michael Shifter says the backlash may reflect unrealistic expectations rather than a special rejection of the right. He argues left-wing governments might face the same anger if they failed to deliver visible improvements. The label describes political positioning, while performance shapes public approval.

The declines range from sharp individual drops to broader signs of weak confidence. In Peru, Keiko Fujimori’s approval fell from 57% when she took office to 40%, a 17-point decrease. Colombia’s Abelardo de la Espriella lost more than three points during his first month in office. In Chile, 25% of Kast supporters said they regretted their choice.

The article describes an AmericasBarometer survey of more than 25,000 people across 21 countries. It found weak support for leaders in eight countries belonging to Trump’s “Shield of the Americas” alliance: Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Panama, and Paraguay.

The figures do not show identical declines everywhere. They combine approval ratings, voter regret, and survey findings about support. Argentina’s Milei reached record-low ratings, while Bolivia’s Paz faced protests only six months into his term. Together, these measures suggest that impatience is widespread, although the article does not provide one overall regional percentage decline.

The leaders won because voters wanted practical improvements, not only ideological change. Across the region, campaigns promised to reduce crime, revive weak economies, improve governance, and strengthen ties with the United States. These promises appealed to people facing insecurity, economic hardship, and frustration with established political parties.

The article gives clear examples. Peruvians voted amid an extortion epidemic and expected action against insecurity. Chileans elected Kast amid fears about organized crime and foreign gangs. Bolivians replaced long-ruling socialists during the country’s worst economic crisis in 40 years. They hoped Rodrigo Paz would provide a pro-business alternative and end fuel shortages.

The central problem is timing. Voters wanted immediate, visible progress, but insecurity and economic crises are difficult to reverse overnight. In Bolivia, demonstrators blockaded major cities after only six months, blaming Paz for continuing fuel shortages. In Peru, voters accepted that security could take time but still demanded concrete actions. Expectations therefore became a source of political pressure.

Failure to deliver quickly can turn electoral hope into frustration. Voters may lower their approval, regret their choice, protest, or demand a leader’s resignation. This matters because new governments often begin with strong expectations, leaving little patience when daily problems remain unchanged.

Bolivia provides the sharpest example. Rodrigo Paz was elected as a moderate, pro-business alternative after voters rejected long-ruling socialists during a severe economic crisis. Yet demonstrators blockaded major cities only six months into his term. They blamed him for failing to end crippling fuel shortages. In Peru, insecurity continued after elections, and voters asked for visible action against extortion.

The likely political consequence is a weakened mandate. Falling ratings make it harder for leaders to persuade citizens that their plans are working. They may also face stronger opposition and future electoral punishment, although the article does not describe specific upcoming results. Analysts say unrealistic promises help create the backlash, while voters still expect concrete progress even when solutions require time.

Nayib Bukele is treated as an exception because his unusually high approval follows a dramatic fall in crime. The AmericasBarometer gives him 83% approval. His iron-fisted approach has made him popular in El Salvador, even as rights groups report serious abuses under a four-year-old state of emergency.

The mechanism is a sweeping anti-gang crackdown. Authorities jailed more than 90,000 suspects, and crime rates reached historic lows. The 2026 Pulse of Democracy report describes this as a trade of liberties for safety. That trade has produced political support in El Salvador, but it also carries major costs and depends on the specific threat facing the country.

Michael Shifter says Bukele is “sui generis,” meaning unique. He doubts that a domestic gang crackdown can be copied against transnational criminal networks operating elsewhere. Therefore, Bukele’s approval does not prove that every conservative security strategy will succeed. It shows one country’s response, under particular conditions, not a universal regional formula.

In a democracy, elections give citizens a way to choose leaders, while public opinion reflects whether people believe those leaders are performing well. Governments inherit problems such as crime, weak economies, and shortages. These challenges may require years to address, but voters still judge leaders by what they can see in daily life.

The article illustrates this tension in Peru and Bolivia. Guillermo Loli says insecurity will not be solved overnight, yet he adds that people should at least see concrete actions. In Bolivia, demonstrators demanded Paz’s resignation after six months because fuel shortages continued. The public judged the government before its longer-term plans could produce results.

This relationship creates accountability but also pressure for quick fixes. Leaders who raise expectations unrealistically may lose support even when problems are difficult. Bukele shows the opposite possibility: visible crime reductions can sustain approval, though his approach involved serious alleged abuses. Elections therefore reward performance as experienced by citizens, not promises alone.