Israel, a testing ground for uniting the right and far right

Uniting Israel’s right and far right means bringing parties with different levels of nationalism, religious politics, and policy intensity into one electoral bloc. Instead of competing separately, they share a campaign framework and later negotiate a joint government. This matters because smaller parties can gain leverage when their seats help a larger bloc reach a majority.

The article gives a clear example. Netanyahu engineered a union between the right and far right in 2022. It included Otzma Yehudit, led by Itamar Ben-Gvir, and politicians connected to the Likud camp, including Tally Gotliv before she joined Ben-Gvir’s list. The alliance helped Netanyahu win power through coalition building.

The result was a government the article calls the most radical in Israel’s history. The alliance also blurred the boundary between mainstream right-wing politics and the far right. Its influence is visible in campaign messages about Gaza, land, policing, and firearms, including hundreds of thousands of permits issued to Jewish Israelis since October 7, 2023.

Itamar Ben-Gvir is Israel’s national security minister and the lead candidate of Otzma Yehudit, whose name means “Jewish Power.” The article presents him as the central figure at the campaign event, represented on figurines and a gun-shaped bottle opener. His party is the far-right religious partner in the broader alliance.

Tally Gotliv is a former MP for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party. She is now number two on Ben-Gvir’s list and speaks for its hard-line campaign message. Likud is Netanyahu’s party and represents the mainstream right-wing side described in the article. Netanyahu brought the right and far right together in 2022.

Their roles show how the alliance works. Likud supplied the larger right-wing political base, while Otzma Yehudit brought a more openly far-right religious agenda and prominent candidates. Gotliv’s move from Likud to Ben-Gvir’s list also illustrates the article’s point that the boundary between right and far right has become blurred.

The article describes reach at two levels. The immediate campaign gathering was modest, with roughly 20 people meeting in an apartment in Bat Yam, near Tel Aviv. But Ben-Gvir’s ministerial authority reaches far beyond that room. The article says he has issued hundreds of thousands of gun permits to Jewish Israelis since October 7, 2023.

That contrast is important. A small local meeting promoted Ben-Gvir through figurines, a gun-shaped bottle opener, and speeches about the Gaza war. At the same time, the firearms policy affected hundreds of thousands of people. The gifts turned a government policy into a campaign symbol and linked personal gun ownership with Ben-Gvir’s political identity.

The article does not provide an exact permit total, so “hundreds of thousands” is the most precise figure available. It also does not measure votes, party membership, or national popularity. What it does show is a broad policy footprint, alongside a local campaign network and a message built around security, armed citizens, and military victory.

The far right is generally understood as the political edge beyond the mainstream conservative or nationalist right. It often places intense national or religious identity above compromise and supports stronger punishment, territorial control, or state power against perceived enemies. This definition uses established political knowledge because the article does not define the term directly.

The article’s example is Otzma Yehudit, or “Jewish Power,” led by Itamar Ben-Gvir. Tally Gotliv, now number two on his list, says victory and surrender are measured by the land taken from opponents. The campaign also highlights firearms, including permits issued to Jewish Israelis and a gun-shaped bottle opener.

The mainstream right can share nationalist and security-focused ideas without using the same level of rhetoric or policy demands. The article stresses that the boundary is blurred, however. Netanyahu joined the right and far right in 2022, and the resulting coalition was considered Israel’s most radical in history. That cooperation made the distinction politically consequential.

Netanyahu brought the right and far right together because cooperation increased their chance of winning power. In Israel’s fragmented parliamentary system, parties often need partners rather than a majority of seats alone. The article states that Netanyahu engineered this union in 2022 to win power through a coalition considered the country’s most radical in history.

The practical mechanism was shared political strength. Likud represented Netanyahu’s right-wing base, while Otzma Yehudit supplied a far-right religious partner led by Itamar Ben-Gvir. By working together instead of remaining separate, these forces could negotiate as part of a broader governing bloc. Tally Gotliv’s move from Likud to Ben-Gvir’s list shows the alliance’s overlap.

The result was not merely an election arrangement. It placed far-right politicians inside government, where they could hold influential offices and shape public debate. Ben-Gvir became national security minister, while his party’s campaign emphasized war, land, and access to firearms. The alliance therefore changed both who governed and which policies gained prominence.

When a far-right party joins government, its influence can move from campaign language into state decisions. It may press for tougher military action, stronger policing, expanded settlements, or easier access to weapons. These are possible consequences of coalition power, not all outcomes established by this short article. The political effect is greater when the party controls a relevant ministry.

Here, Itamar Ben-Gvir is national security minister and leads Otzma Yehudit. Campaign gifts celebrate firearms, while the article says he has issued hundreds of thousands of gun permits to Jewish Israelis since October 7, 2023. Tally Gotliv argues that victory depends on taking land from opponents and describes the war in uncompromising terms.

The article directly establishes Ben-Gvir’s ministry, the permits, and the coalition’s radical reputation. It does not provide detailed evidence about settlement decisions or specific policing orders, so those areas cannot be attributed to it. The broader implication is that coalition bargains can give a smaller party major influence over security priorities and public debate.

In proportional representation, parties win parliamentary seats roughly according to their share of the vote rather than taking all power in separate geographic districts. Israel’s nationwide system encourages multiple parties to compete, including religious and ideological groups. A single party usually needs partners because it may not hold enough seats to govern alone.

The key mechanism is coalition bargaining. After an election, the leader able to assemble a majority of parliamentary support negotiates with smaller parties. Those partners can demand ministries, policy commitments, or influence in return for supporting the government. This is why a party can matter far more inside a coalition than its vote share might suggest.

The article applies this pattern to 2022. Netanyahu joined the mainstream right with the far-right religious Otzma Yehudit to win power. Ben-Gvir’s party therefore gained a governing role, and he became national security minister. Proportional representation can broaden representation, but it also gives pivotal smaller parties leverage over national policy.