Who are major candidates in Israel's election?

Benjamin Netanyahu, 77, is the longtime leader of the nationalist Likud party and Israel’s longest-serving prime minister. His main rival is Gadi Eisenkot, 66, a former military chief who leads the centrist Yashar!. Both men are competing to shape the next government, but neither is expected to govern alone.

Other influential leaders include Naftali Bennett, who heads the right-wing and religiously observant Beyachad ticket with Yair Lapid. Itamar Ben-Gvir leads the far-right Otzma Yehudit, while Mansour Abbas heads Ra’am, the first Arab-led party to join an Israeli governing coalition. Their parties may win fewer seats but still hold crucial bargaining power.

The election’s outcome therefore depends on coalition-building. Netanyahu points to security, economic performance, and ties with Donald Trump. Eisenkot presents himself as a moderate alternative, though he remains hawkish on security. Bennett, Ben-Gvir, and Abbas could help either larger leader reach a governing majority.

The Knesset is Israel’s parliament, with 120 members. Voters choose political parties rather than individual prime-minister candidates. Each party receives seats according to its electoral support, and those seats determine its strength in government formation.

No party has ever won a majority of the Knesset’s seats. After voting, parties therefore negotiate with one another and form alliances. A leader who can assemble enough partners to control a majority coalition can become prime minister. The process makes smaller parties important even when they win relatively few seats.

This system means election night may not immediately identify the next prime minister. The final government depends on bargaining among parties with different priorities. Netanyahu, Eisenkot, Bennett, Ben-Gvir, and Abbas are competing not only for votes, but also for potential coalition partners and influence over policy.

The Knesset has 120 seats. A party or bloc needs more than half of them, at least 61, to control a majority. That majority matters because it gives a government the parliamentary support needed to govern and pass measures.

Israel has never had a single party win that majority. Instead, several parties compete, representing different political, religious, ethnic, and ideological groups. Under the country’s proportional-representation system, parties gain seats broadly in line with their vote share. This makes it difficult for one party to dominate all 120 seats.

The practical result is coalition government. After the election, leaders must combine their seats with those of other parties. Netanyahu previously relied on Ben-Gvir’s strong showing to push his coalition rightward, while Bennett formed a coalition containing left-wing and Arab parties in 2021. The next government will depend on similar negotiations.

If no party or bloc can govern alone, the parties begin coalition negotiations. The central task is to assemble enough seats to control a majority of the 120-member Knesset. This turns election results into a contest over partnerships, not simply a ranking of first and second place.

A larger party may offer policy influence, cabinet positions, or other concessions to smaller parties. The article gives a clear example from 2021: Naftali Bennett’s seven-seat Yamina party helped create a coalition combining left-wing and Arab parties. Bennett then became prime minister through a power-sharing agreement with Yair Lapid.

If a first attempt fails, another leader may try to assemble a different coalition. That means Netanyahu could remain influential even without a decisive victory, while Eisenkot could become prime minister if he gathers enough partners. The result may also be a compromise government with sharply different parties.

Smaller parties can determine who becomes prime minister because no single party has ever won a Knesset majority. Their seats may provide the difference between falling short and reaching the 61-seat threshold. They can therefore choose which larger leader to support, or demand policy and governing concessions.

Itamar Ben-Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit is a clear example. Its strong showing in the previous election secured him a Cabinet post and helped push Netanyahu’s coalition further to the right. Mansour Abbas’s Ra’am offers a different model. It joined a governing coalition in 2021 and focuses on crime and other local issues in Arab communities.

After the election, Netanyahu or Eisenkot may need such partners. Ben-Gvir could seek harder-line policies, while Abbas could prioritize Arab-community concerns. Their choices could shape the coalition’s program, cabinet appointments, and positions on security and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

The major leaders differ sharply over security and the Palestinian issue. Netanyahu emphasizes his security record, but opponents blame him for failures before the October 7, 2023 attack and for mishandling the wars afterward. Eisenkot is more moderate politically, yet remains hawkish on security and criticized Netanyahu for lacking a clear war strategy.

Naftali Bennett opposes Palestinian independence and supports settlement-building in the occupied West Bank. Ben-Gvir is further right. He has advocated rebuilding Jewish settlements in Gaza and proposed what he calls the voluntary emigration of about 2 million Palestinians. Mansour Abbas focuses more narrowly on local Arab-community issues.

Netanyahu also faces serious legal and political pressure. The International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant over alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity. He is charged domestically with fraud, breach of trust, and accepting bribes, allegations he denies. These disputes could influence coalition negotiations and voter choices.

In a proportional-representation system, parties gain parliamentary seats according to their share of the vote rather than one party taking every seat in each area. This allows more political groups to win representation. Religious, nationalist, centrist, left-wing, and Arab parties can all enter parliament.

Israel’s 120-seat Knesset illustrates the mechanism. Since no single party has ever won a majority, the largest party still needs partners. A party with seven seats, such as Bennett’s Yamina in 2021, can become essential if larger groups cannot otherwise reach 61 seats. Its support can decide who governs.

Coalitions broaden representation but also require constant negotiation. Partners may disagree over security, settlements, Palestinian independence, or legal issues. A government can form only when its members accept enough shared goals. That makes smaller parties influential and means election results may lead to prolonged bargaining before a prime minister is confirmed.