The ‘behens’ beyond the ‘bhais’: The women of Mumbai’s criminal underworld

The case brought attention to women’s alleged roles in transporting weapons for criminal networks. Radha and Babita were arrested after guns were allegedly moved from Amritsar to Mumbai. The weapons were reportedly used in the Tiger Shroff shooting incident on October 18.

Their alleged task was to act as couriers. The article does not establish what they knew about the weapons or the wider operation. Police were investigating whether they understood the guns’ purpose and their place in the network.

The arrests matter because couriers can keep criminal operations supplied while remaining less visible than gang leaders. The case also highlights how women may be involved in moving weapons, money, or information. However, an arrest is not proof of guilt, and the article presents the allegations as under investigation.

“Mumbai’s criminal underworld” describes connected criminal networks operating through people, relationships, money, information, and illegal trade. The article links these networks to bootlegging, drugs, extortion, property dealings, and weapons movement. It matters because focusing only on famous male gangsters can hide the people who keep operations connected.

Women occupied several positions. Jenabai Daruwali reportedly acted as an intermediary between rival groups. Mahalaxmi Pappamani reportedly moved from helping her husband in the drug trade to running operations. Haseena Parkar was associated with allegations involving property dealings and extortion. Radha and Babita were arrested over alleged weapons transport.

These examples show that women’s involvement could be independent, family-based, or logistical. The article also stresses that allegations are not proof of guilt. Understanding the network requires separating reported accounts from arrests, investigations, killings, and convictions.

The article does not provide a formal numbered classification, but it presents at least four broad roles for women. They could act as intermediaries, run criminal operations, become involved through family relationships, or work as couriers. Some were also allegedly involved in facilitating crime by managing parts of gang operations.

Jenabai Daruwali reportedly built a reputation as an intermediary between rival groups. Mahalaxmi Pappamani reportedly took over a drug operation. Wives and relatives were accused in some accounts of managing parts of gang networks. Radha and Babita were arrested over the alleged movement of guns from Amritsar to Mumbai.

These roles show that participation was not limited to one position. Women could connect rival groups, control local operations, support relatives, or move essential materials. Because the article uses different levels of evidence, each role must be understood through its specific status: reported account, allegation, arrest, or established record.

Criminal networks depend on more than leaders. They need weapons, money, information, and reliable movement between people and places. Moving these resources allows separate parts of a network to coordinate and continue operating. That makes couriers and facilitators important even when they are not publicly recognised as leaders.

The article gives the alleged transport of guns by Radha and Babita as a current example. The weapons were reportedly moved from Amritsar to Mumbai and were allegedly used in the Tiger Shroff shooting incident. Other women were reportedly involved in moving information, money, or managing parts of operations.

The broader implication is that networks can survive through many less visible roles. Investigating those links may help establish who knew what and how an operation functioned. But the article does not establish Radha’s or Babita’s knowledge or guilt; police were still investigating their alleged roles.

Women could build influence by controlling connections, negotiating between rival groups, or taking over an existing operation. Their power did not always come from formal leadership. It could grow through trust, local knowledge, relationships with gang leaders, and control over a criminal trade.

Jenabai Daruwali reportedly began brokering black-market grain deals after Partition. She later moved into bootlegging. Her reported links with Haji Mastan, Karim Lala, and Varadarajan Mudaliar helped establish her reputation as an intermediary. Mahalaxmi Pappamani reportedly first assisted her husband in the drug trade, then took over operations in Sion Koliwada with Varadarajan Mudaliar’s backing.

These accounts show two routes to influence: building an independent network and inheriting or taking control of an existing one. The article identifies both as published or reported accounts. It records no conviction for Jenabai and no conviction or date for Mahalaxmi.

A wife, sister, or other relative could gain access because family relationships connect her to a gangster’s people and activities. If a man was imprisoned, absent, or killed, a woman might also be drawn into managing parts of his operation. But access came with exposure to retaliation, violence, and suspicion.

Ashraf Khan, known as Sapna Didi, entered underworld lore after her husband, Mehmood Khan alias Mehmood Kalia, was killed. Accounts say she blamed Dawood Ibrahim and turned to Hussain Ustara, a gangster and police informer. He reportedly trained her in firearms and self-defence. She allegedly planned to assassinate Dawood during a cricket match in Sharjah.

Her story illustrates both sides of family-based involvement: a husband’s death created a path into a revenge network, but also intensified danger. She was later stabbed to death at her Nagpada home in 1994. These details come from accounts presented in the article.

These categories describe different levels of certainty and different events. A reported account may come from published stories. An allegation is an accusation. An arrest means police have taken someone into custody. A killing records that someone died, while a conviction indicates that a court found a person guilty. Treating them as identical can misrepresent the facts.

The article makes this distinction repeatedly. Radha and Babita were arrested over alleged gun transportation, but police were still investigating what they knew. Haseena Parkar was named in investigations involving property transactions, while the article warns that allegations should not be treated as proof. Jenabai’s account records no conviction.

The distinction protects accuracy and fairness. It helps readers understand what is established, what is claimed, and what remains uncertain. It also prevents dramatic underworld narratives from turning accusations or arrests into conclusions about criminal guilt.