UAE set to nominate Lana Nusseibeh to succeed Guterres as UN secretary-general, sources tell 'Post'

The UN secretary-general is the organization’s highest-ranking official and chief public representative. The position matters because it gives one person a central role in guiding the UN’s priorities, coordinating its work, and speaking for it during international crises.

The secretary-general also uses diplomacy to encourage cooperation among countries. The office can help bring governments together, support negotiations, and draw attention to major global problems. The role is therefore both administrative and political, even though the secretary-general does not govern countries.

The article identifies Antonio Guterres as the incumbent. He will complete his second five-year term on December 31. The next selection will choose the UN’s 10th secretary-general, amid intense competition among regional blocs and several official candidates.

Lana Nusseibeh is an Emirati diplomat and a senior official in the UAE Foreign Ministry. Diplomatic sources expect the UAE to announce her as a candidate for UN secretary-general. Her possible nomination would add a strong Middle Eastern contender to a contest already shaped by regional diplomacy.

Nusseibeh has served as the UAE’s assistant minister for political affairs. Before that, she was the UAE permanent representative to the United Nations for more than a decade. That experience gave her a long view of UN negotiations, diplomacy, and the organization’s daily political work.

She also served as council president on the UN Security Council from 2022 to 2023. Her background combines national foreign-policy leadership with extensive UN experience. Those qualifications make her a serious potential candidate, although the article notes that Latin America and the Caribbean traditionally have the regional claim.

Six official candidates are currently active, while Lana Nusseibeh is described as a likely seventh. The number matters because the contest is already crowded, with regional blocs positioning themselves before the formal choice. More candidates can widen the debate over experience, geography, and the UN’s future direction.

Most contenders represent Latin America or the Caribbean. The article names Rebeca Grynspan of Costa Rica, Rafael Grossi of Argentina, and Carolyn Rorigues-Brikett of Guyana among the leading candidates. Five of the six existing candidates come from those regions, according to the article.

That regional pattern reflects the customary rotation for the post. Grynspan leads current straw polls, while Grossi also has strong informal support. If Nusseibeh enters, she would become the likely seventh candidate and the main contender from outside the region widely expected to be next.

The secretary-general is chosen through a two-stage UN process. The Security Council first recommends a candidate, and the General Assembly then formally appoints that person. This structure matters because both bodies must support the eventual choice, linking great-power diplomacy with the wider UN membership.

In practice, the Security Council’s recommendation is the crucial gateway. Its permanent members can block a recommendation through a veto, so candidates need broad diplomatic acceptability. Afterward, the General Assembly votes on the recommended person. The source article does not describe these procedural details, so this explanation uses established UN practice.

The current contest shows why the process is politically important. Six official candidates are active, and Nusseibeh may become a seventh. Regional blocs are positioning themselves intensely, while informal straw polls help reveal support before the Security Council recommendation and General Assembly appointment.

The UN’s customary regional rotation is an informal understanding that the secretary-general’s region should change over time. It is intended to spread representation among major world regions and make the selection appear balanced. The convention matters because geography can shape diplomatic expectations before countries assess individual candidates.

The article says Latin America’s turn has arrived. Five of the six current candidates come from Latin America or the Caribbean, including Costa Rica’s Rebeca Grynspan, Argentina’s Rafael Grossi, and Guyana’s Carolyn Rorigues-Brikett. Their presence reflects the region’s widely expected claim to the position.

This expectation does not legally settle the outcome. Nusseibeh could still enter the race, and the article says she is not disqualified. Her candidacy would challenge the usual regional pattern and force countries to weigh that convention against her experience, support, and suitability for the post.

If the UAE nominates Nusseibeh, the campaign could become more competitive and politically charged. Latin America and the Caribbean are widely expected to receive the post under customary regional rotation. A UAE candidate would therefore test whether countries prioritize geographic convention or an individual candidate’s record and support.

Nusseibeh brings substantial UN experience to that challenge. She served as the UAE’s permanent representative for over a decade and was Security Council president from 2022 to 2023. Her entry would also raise the number of likely candidates from six official contenders to seven, broadening the diplomatic competition.

The immediate effect would be more positioning among regional blocs and governments. It could complicate efforts to build consensus around a Latin American or Caribbean candidate. The article does not predict the result, but it makes clear that Nusseibeh is eligible and that her candidacy would run counter to the established norm.

A nonbinding convention can influence the choice because governments use it as a fairness and representation principle. Regional rotation helps countries believe that the top UN post is shared across the world rather than permanently dominated by a few regions. It can shape expectations even when no rule requires it.

The mechanism is political, not legal. Countries may coordinate around the region considered next in line, making its candidates easier to support. That shared expectation can affect diplomatic bargaining, informal polls, and the eventual Security Council recommendation. The General Assembly then appoints the recommended candidate.

Latin America and the Caribbean illustrate this influence. Five of six current candidates come from those regions, and Latin America is described as having the next turn. Yet Nusseibeh is not disqualified. Her possible candidacy shows that the convention guides negotiations but cannot legally remove an eligible contender.