‘Generation Right’: Israeli youth show strong support for the right

“Generation Right” is a label for Israel’s Jewish youth, especially first-time voters who identify with the political right or centre-right. It captures a striking contrast with young people in many other countries, who are often described as moving left. The label matters because these voters are entering elections after years of political and social movement to the right.

A Channel 12 poll found that around three quarters of Jewish first-time voters described themselves as right or centre-right. Another survey found that more than 16 percent planned to vote for far-right parties. The label therefore covers a broad rightward identity, while also pointing to stronger support for the far right among some young voters.

“Generation Right” does not describe all Israeli youth. The article specifically excludes Palestinian citizens of Israel. It also shows exceptions, including 18-year-old Gili, who supports the left-leaning Democrats party and believes Israeli society has abandoned peace.

The shift is large: around three quarters of Jewish first-time voters polled identified as “right or centre-right.” That means roughly three in every four young Jewish voters placed themselves on the right side of Israel’s political spectrum. The result is notable because young adults in many countries are commonly associated with left-leaning politics.

The comparison is with the rest of Israeli society, not with a precise national percentage. The Channel 12 poll found that first-time voters were significantly more right-leaning than the wider population. The article also reports that Israeli society overall has been moving right for years, so the younger group appears to be intensifying an existing trend.

The figures show political identity, not necessarily identical voting choices. Still, more than 16 percent of new voters said they planned to support far-right parties. The trend could shape future elections, especially because more than half a million new voters entered the roll.

Israel’s first-time voters are young people aged between 18 and 22. The Central Elections Committee said more than half a million were added to the electoral roll since the previous elections in 2022. They form a large new group in the first Israeli elections in four years, giving youth a potentially important role in the result.

Their expected turnout is high. Polls found that 80 percent of these new voters planned to vote in the October 27 legislative election. The article also says a majority of young Jewish Israelis believe the ballot box can influence reality and shape the country’s future, even though their wider political activism and public engagement remain limited.

That combination creates both opportunity and uncertainty. A large number of young voters say they intend to participate, but intentions are not the same as ballots cast. Their choices could still matter, particularly because roughly three quarters of Jewish first-time voters identify as right or centre-right.

The October 7, 2023 attack intensified political fear among many young Israelis. The article says its scars made people less able to believe that peace could be achieved. Gili, an 18-year-old supporter of the left-leaning Democrats party, said Israeli society had abandoned the idea of peace. The attack may therefore have strengthened security-focused and right-wing attitudes.

The article links this mood to electoral support. A survey by Yedioth Ahronoth found that more than 16 percent of new voters planned to vote for far-right parties. It also describes young people expressing hostility toward Arabs and asking whether violence in Gaza should be carried out. These examples show how fear and hardened attitudes can enter public debate.

The attack did not create the entire trend. The article says Israel had been moving right for years, while October 7 may have accelerated that movement. The coming elections could show whether this change becomes lasting political support among a new generation.

Far-right politicians became influential through their partnership with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Critics accuse Netanyahu of supporting them to stay in power, especially as he faces a contentious election that could determine his political survival. Their influence is therefore tied to coalition politics and the need to retain governing support.

The article identifies two examples. Itamar Ben-Gvir became National Security Minister, while Bezalel Smotrich became Finance Minister and secured a portfolio in the defence ministry. These posts gave them access to state power and public visibility. The article says their appointments helped empower extreme political camps and make their policies mainstream.

Their influence extends beyond government offices. Smotrich’s stated position denied Palestinians self-determination and offered emigration, political exclusion, or treatment as terrorists. The article says he facilitates land grabs and the illegal settlement enterprise in the occupied West Bank. Such policies have helped move far-right ideas into public debate.

Israel’s parliamentary system is based on nationwide proportional representation. Voters choose party lists rather than individual constituency representatives. Parties must pass the electoral threshold, currently 3.25 percent, to receive seats in the Knesset. This allows several parties to enter parliament instead of concentrating power in two large parties.

Because no single party usually controls a majority, governments are formed through coalitions. A smaller party may hold only a few seats but still be needed to reach a governing majority. Its leaders can use that leverage to demand ministries, budgets, or policy commitments. The mechanism turns parliamentary size into bargaining power.

This context helps explain how politicians such as Ben-Gvir and Smotrich can become influential beyond their vote share. The source article says Netanyahu gave them key positions and that this helped mainstream their policies. The threshold and coalition structure make such influence possible, although the article itself does not provide these system details.

These labels describe broad political positions, not one fixed platform. The right usually emphasizes national security, military strength, and Israeli control of territory. The centre-right generally shares those priorities but may support more moderation or compromise. The far right takes harder positions, especially against Palestinian political rights and territorial concessions.

The article gives a clear example through Bezalel Smotrich. In 2017, he said Israelis alone should have self-determination, while Palestinians would have to emigrate, remain without political representation, or be treated as terrorists if they refused. He later helped facilitate land grabs and the illegal settlement enterprise in the occupied West Bank.

These ideas help explain why the categories matter in the article. Around three quarters of Jewish first-time voters identify as right or centre-right, while more than 16 percent plan to support far-right parties. The article presents the far right as increasingly mainstream, though it also records young people who still support peace-oriented politics.