Israel's far right find fertile ground among first-time voters

In this article, “far right” describes Israeli politicians who support especially hard-line nationalist policies. These include annexing the occupied West Bank, expanding Jewish settlements, settling Gaza, and promoting the “voluntary emigration” of Palestinians. The label matters because these ideas go beyond the positions of many liberal Israelis and have intensified arguments over Israel’s identity and security.

Itamar Ben-Gvir leads Jewish Power, while Bezalel Smotrich leads Religious Zionism. Both are described as far-right figures, and both are powerful ministers in Benjamin Netanyahu’s governing coalition. Several Western countries have imposed sanctions or travel bans on them for incitement against Palestinians.

Their influence is no longer limited to protest politics. Ben-Gvir draws enthusiastic young supporters and now holds the National Security portfolio. Their parties could gain decisive support from first-time voters, potentially pushing Israel’s political debate and government further toward these positions.

More than half a million Israelis will vote for the first time in the election described. Their choices matter because the contest is expected to be tight, and the new voters could help decide which political bloc gains the advantage. The article presents them as an unusually important group for Israel’s future security and identity.

A poll for Yedioth Ahronoth found that more than 16% of first-time voters planned to support either Itamar Ben-Gvir’s Jewish Power or Bezalel Smotrich’s Religious Zionism. Another Channel 12 survey found that almost three-quarters identified as right or centre-right.

These figures do not guarantee an election result. However, surveys also found that more than 80% of first-time voters said they were likely to vote. High motivation, combined with their size, means turnout could affect the balance between the two established blocs.

Itamar Ben-Gvir is Israel’s far-right National Security Minister and the leader of Jewish Power. When he reached military service age, Israel’s army rejected him because his political views were considered too extreme. The contrast shows how Israel’s political environment has changed over roughly 30 years.

Ben-Gvir built influence through electoral politics and a strong public profile. On the campaign trail, young supporters surround him, wave party flags, and describe him as a source of security and national strength. His party is one of the far-right choices attracting first-time voters.

He is now part of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s governing coalition and its inner sanctum of ministers. The article does not describe every step of his political career, but it shows the mechanism clearly: a once-shunned figure gained parliamentary support, entered a coalition, and received a powerful ministerial role.

The Hamas-led attacks on 7 October 2023 triggered the Gaza war and became a powerful reference point for young Israeli voters. For some, the attacks strengthened the belief that peace was not achievable and that Israel needed leaders promising toughness and protection. This helped make Ben-Gvir’s security-focused message attractive.

Meir Schreiber, a 23-year-old voter, said October 7 convinced him Ben-Gvir was the right choice. Other young supporters said Ben-Gvir would keep them safe when they entered the army and show that Israel was strong. Their views connect a traumatic event with political support.

The article also places this reaction within a longer trend. Young Israeli Jews have grown up amid repeated wars and without personal experience of peace efforts. After October 7, ideas such as annexing Gaza entered an already more extreme political conversation, potentially influencing the election’s direction.

The immediate consequence could be a changed balance between Israel’s pro-government and anti-government blocs. The article describes the race as largely deadlocked, so even a relatively small shift among highly motivated new voters could affect which side has enough support to build a government.

If far-right parties gain from that shift, Ben-Gvir and Smotrich could emerge with greater political influence inside the governing coalition. Their stated positions include annexing the occupied West Bank, expanding Jewish settlements, settling Gaza, and promoting the “voluntary emigration” of Palestinians. More seats could give those ideas greater weight in policymaking.

The result is not certain. Polls show intentions, not final votes, and the article does not predict a winner. But it identifies a clear forward risk: turnout by more than half a million first-time voters could influence both the government’s survival and Israel’s future security and identity debate.

Political analyst Dahlia Scheindlin says young Israeli Jews have been more right-wing than average for about 20 years. The article links this difference to their life experience: they have grown up during repeated wars and have not personally experienced efforts to achieve peace. Conflict has therefore shaped their understanding of security and national politics.

Scheindlin says these young people were socialised into discussing increasingly extreme ideas as legitimate political options. These include annexation, settlement expansion, and, after 7 October, annexing Gaza. The mechanism is gradual: repeated conflict narrows direct experience of peace while making force and territorial control central to political debate.

This helps explain why Ben-Gvir can appear more popular among 18-to-22-year-olds than among their parents’ generation. It also suggests the trend may influence politics beyond one election, as these voters become a larger part of Israel’s electorate and political culture.

The article does not explain Israel’s election mechanics, but the established system is nationwide proportional representation. Voters choose a party list rather than a single local representative. Parties receive Knesset seats broadly according to their share of the national vote, provided they pass the electoral threshold.

Israel has 120 Knesset seats, and the current threshold is 3.25% of valid votes. After seats are allocated, the president asks a lawmaker to form a government. That lawmaker must assemble a coalition able to win the confidence of at least 61 members, usually by combining several parties.

This structure makes smaller parties important. A far-right party may win fewer seats than a large party but still gain ministerial influence if its support helps form a coalition. That is why first-time voters supporting Ben-Gvir or Smotrich could affect both the election result and the government’s policy direction.