Who is Gadi Eisenkot, Netanyahu’s main challenger in Israel’s elections?

Gadi Eisenkot is a former Israeli military chief who spent about 40 years in the IDF before entering politics. He grew up in Tiberias and Eilat as one of nine children in a family of Moroccan immigrants. That background contrasts with Netanyahu’s elite Jerusalem upbringing. It also gives Eisenkot significance among voters who rarely see Mizrahi politicians reach the top.

Eisenkot became chief of staff from 2015 to 2019. He later entered politics with Benny Gantz and joined Netanyahu’s emergency war cabinet after the October 7 attack. They left in June 2024, criticizing the lack of a clear post-war strategy. Eisenkot also carries the personal loss of his son Gal, killed fighting in Gaza in December 2023.

The article describes Eisenkot as the opposition’s leading candidate. Polls project his Yashar party winning 20 to 23 Knesset seats, more than Likud. He also leads Netanyahu on suitability to be prime minister. Still, coalition arithmetic, not party size alone, will decide whether he can govern.

The Knesset is Israel’s national parliament. It has 120 seats, and its members make laws, scrutinize the government, and determine which political leader can try to form a governing coalition. The system is parliamentary, so voters choose among party lists rather than directly electing the prime minister.

In a national election, each party receives seats broadly according to its share of the vote, provided it passes the electoral threshold. A party’s candidates enter the Knesset from its prearranged list. This creates a chamber with several parties, not usually one party holding power alone. The prime minister must therefore build support among other lawmakers.

The article highlights why this matters for Eisenkot. Polls suggest his Yashar party could win more seats than Likud, but that would not settle the election. The president gives the mandate to the lawmaker most likely to assemble a coalition. Winning first place helps, but coalition support determines who governs.

Israel’s Knesset has 120 seats, so a governing majority requires at least 61 lawmakers. That majority allows a coalition to survive confidence votes and pass legislation with dependable parliamentary support. In practice, elections are therefore contests not only over which party finishes first, but also over which alliances can reach the governing line.

The article gives Eisenkot a strong starting position. Recent polls project Yashar winning 20 to 23 seats, more than Likud. Yet neither Netanyahu’s bloc nor the anti-Netanyahu bloc appears likely to reach 61 seats alone. After the election, the president does not automatically ask the largest party to govern. The mandate goes to the lawmaker judged most likely to assemble a coalition.

That rule makes smaller parties powerful. Eisenkot may need support from left-wing, right-wing, centrist, or Arab parties. He has said he might try governing without 61 seats, with Arab parties supporting from outside. But right-wing partners could reject that arrangement, leaving the outcome uncertain even if Yashar finishes first.

If neither Netanyahu’s bloc nor the opposition bloc reaches 61 seats, no side has a clear governing majority. The result could be a long period of coalition bargaining, an unstable minority government, or political deadlock. The article presents deadlock as a very real possibility because current polls do not give either bloc the numbers it needs.

Eisenkot’s possible route would cross ideological lines. He could seek support from left-wing, centrist, and right-wing parties, and in some scenarios rely on Arab parties. He has said he would try forming a government even without 61 seats. Arab lawmakers could sustain such a minority government from outside without formally joining it.

That plan faces serious obstacles. Netanyahu has spent years working to delegitimize cooperation with Arab parties, while some opposition leaders say they will not work with them. Right-wing parties needed inside an Eisenkot coalition could also reject outside Arab support. The outcome could therefore be negotiations, an unstable government, or continued paralysis.

In Israel, Mizrahi commonly describes Jews with roots in the Middle East and North Africa. The term is tied to the history of Jewish communities from those regions and is often discussed alongside inequalities between Mizrahi Jews and Jews of European, or Ashkenazi, origin. The article presents that divide as a longstanding political and social fault line.

Eisenkot is the son of Moroccan immigrants. He grew up in Tiberias and Eilat, away from Israel’s main centers of political power. A race-baiting attack called him a “monkey” of Mizrahi-Moroccan heritage managed by Ashkenazi elites. Even Netanyahu condemned the remarks. The controversy pushed Eisenkot’s family background into the political spotlight.

Many Mizrahi voters have traditionally supported Netanyahu’s Likud party, but analysts believe Eisenkot’s identity contributes to his appeal. He rarely emphasizes his ethnicity. Still, if he wins the October 27 vote and becomes prime minister, he would be Israel’s first Mizrahi prime minister, giving the election broader historical meaning.

Eisenkot’s political image rests heavily on his military service. He enlisted in the Golani Brigade in 1978 and rose through a 40-year IDF career to become chief of staff from 2015 to 2019. That record presents him as a seasoned security figure. His campaign describes him as “a warrior, a leader, a unifier.”

His handling of the Elor Azaria case showed a willingness to resist political pressure. In 2016, Azaria shot and killed a wounded Palestinian attacker in Hebron. Despite pressure from right-wing politicians, including Netanyahu, Eisenkot supported a military investigation and trial. He said he was defending the army’s discipline and ethics, reinforcing his reputation for institutional accountability.

The war also brought profound personal loss. Eisenkot’s youngest son, Gal, was killed fighting in Gaza in December 2023, and two nephews died in combat. Eisenkot later said Gal’s grave shaped his political mission. That grief strengthens his image as a leader personally bound to the war’s costs and its unresolved consequences.

A coalition government forms when no single party controls enough parliamentary seats to govern alone. After an election, the leader most likely to assemble sufficient support negotiates with other parties. Those partners share power and help sustain the government through votes in parliament. This makes coalition-building as important as winning the largest vote share.

Israel’s Knesset has 120 seats, so a conventional majority requires 61. The article says neither Netanyahu’s bloc nor the anti-Netanyahu bloc is currently projected to reach that number. Eisenkot would need agreements spanning left, right, and center. Depending on the numbers, Arab parties could join or support his government from outside. Ultra-Orthodox parties are part of Netanyahu’s broader bloc and could also affect the balance.

These parties matter because a few seats can determine who receives the mandate and whether a government survives. Eisenkot has considered a minority government, but right-wing partners could reject outside Arab support. Netanyahu has also worked to delegitimize cooperation with Arab parties. Negotiations may therefore decide the prime minister more than first place alone.