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Israeli citizens living abroad normally cannot vote in regular Israeli elections from overseas. To participate, many must travel back to Israel, even when flights, accommodation, and time away from work are expensive. Their choice reflects how closely elections are tied to the country’s direction.

The article highlights this unusual commitment with the phrase “a costly vote.” An expatriate may spend substantial money simply to place a ballot in the box. The mechanism is direct: returning voters become part of the electorate, potentially affecting which parties win Knesset seats and which coalition controls the government.

This matters especially when the result is uncertain or political divisions are sharp. A small number of seats can determine whether a bloc reaches a governing majority. The article presents overseas Israelis returning now, while Israel prepares to vote on Tuesday, as evidence that the election’s stakes extend beyond people currently living inside the country.

Israel’s national election is a nationwide vote for the Knesset, Israel’s parliament. It matters because the Knesset passes laws, approves budgets, and supports or brings down governments. The election therefore decides more than individual representatives: it helps determine who can govern and which policies may guide the country.

Voters usually select a political party rather than a local candidate. Each party submits a ranked list of candidates. The share of the national vote that a party receives is converted into seats, provided the party crosses the electoral threshold. Candidates take the seats in the order set by their party list.

The Knesset has 120 seats. After the results, parties negotiate to build a governing coalition that controls at least 61 seats. The headlines frame the vote as a contest involving Netanyahu, a possible challenge from figures including Gadi Eisenkot, and a wider question about Israel’s political direction.

The Knesset contains 120 seats. In the 2022 election, about 6.8 million people were eligible to vote, and roughly 40 party lists competed nationally. These figures show the scale of the contest, but the number of competing lists is larger than the number that ultimately enters parliament.

The key mechanism is proportional representation. Israel is one nationwide constituency, so parties receive seats broadly in line with their vote share. However, a party must pass the 3.25 percent electoral threshold. Votes for parties below that line do not produce Knesset seats, while qualifying parties divide the available seats according to their national support.

This system gives voters many choices but makes single-party control unlikely. Several parties may win representation, and the final governing balance depends on their combined totals. The precise number of eligible voters and lists can change between elections, so these are approximate figures for the recent contest discussed here.

Benjamin Netanyahu is Likud’s leading politician and a former prime minister who is trying to return to, or retain, power through a supportive parliamentary bloc. Ehud Olmert is also a former Israeli prime minister, but he is not running the main contest; he is publicly hoping voters will “sweep Netanyahu away.”

Benny Gantz leads the centrist National Unity alliance and is a former military chief and defense minister. Gadi Eisenkot, another former Israel Defense Forces chief, joined Gantz’s political alliance and is presented as a major challenger. The article headline describes Eisenkot as a relatively sober general whose strength is action rather than charisma.

Their roles matter because Israel’s election is not simply a direct presidential race. Voters choose parties, and politicians then assemble a coalition. Netanyahu’s personal standing, Olmert’s criticism, and the Gantz-Eisenkot challenge all influence which blocs may reach the 61-seat threshold needed to govern.

In Israel’s system, the country acts as one nationwide electoral district. Voters cast ballots for party lists, not separate constituency representatives. Parties that clear the 3.25 percent threshold qualify for seats, and their national vote shares determine how many of the 120 Knesset places they receive.

The key mechanism is proportional allocation. After votes are counted, election officials calculate each qualifying party’s entitlement using a legal seat formula, commonly known as the Bader-Ofer method. Parties receive whole seats first, and remaining seats are assigned through the formula’s divisors and remainders. Candidates enter parliament in the order listed by their party.

This arrangement turns vote percentages into a fragmented parliament. A party with about one-tenth of the qualifying vote may receive roughly one-tenth of the seats, though rounding affects the exact result. Because many parties can win representation, governments usually depend on negotiations among parties rather than one party ruling alone.

A government needs support from at least 61 of the Knesset’s 120 members. Israel’s proportional system spreads seats among several parties, so the largest party usually falls well short of that majority. The election produces a parliament first; coalition bargaining determines who can govern.

For example, one party might win 35 seats, another 25, and smaller parties the rest. The largest party still has only 35 seats, so it must negotiate with partners. Coalition agreements commonly trade ministerial posts and policy commitments for reliable support in confidence votes, budgets, and legislation.

This structure gives smaller parties considerable influence. They can become essential partners even with modest vote shares. If negotiations succeed, the coalition governs; if they fail, the country may face a minority government, a different coalition attempt, or another election. That is why the article asks both what is at stake and how the election works.

If Netanyahu’s bloc wins enough combined seats, Israel’s president would normally ask him to try forming a government. He would negotiate with allied parties, distribute ministerial roles, and agree on a shared programme. Once the coalition has support from at least 61 Knesset members, it can pass budgets and laws and set national policy.

The mechanism is parliamentary rather than presidential. Netanyahu’s party does not need to win a majority alone. It needs a dependable bloc of partners. If those partners demand changes, the coalition agreement may shape policies on security, the economy, religion, justice, or other major issues. Coalition discipline then becomes essential.

If Netanyahu’s bloc cannot reach 61, it cannot reliably govern on its own. Other parties may try to build a rival majority, or negotiations may fail. In that case, Israel could face a different coalition, a minority arrangement, or another election. The result therefore affects both leadership and the policy agenda.