Around 2,000 YBS fighters to join Iraqi security forces in first phase of integration deal: Source
The Shingal Resistance Units, or YBS, are an all-Yazidi armed group based in Sinjar, also called Shingal. They expanded after ISIS attacked the Yazidi heartland in August 2014. The integration matters because Sinjar has had fragmented security arrangements and lies in territory disputed by Baghdad and the Kurdistan Regional Government. Under the agreement, YBS fighters will enter Iraqi state institutions. They will be distributed among the Iraqi Army, local police and the Popular Mobilization Forces. Some fighters will join the Yazidi Hashd, while female members will enter the Nineveh Police’s female division. Other fighters may give up their weapons and return to civilian life. The first phase is scheduled to include about 2,000 fighters, although estimates vary. Later phases may include 3,000 to 4,000 more local fighters. Federal authorities will also take responsibility for Mount Sinjar, while the government promises compensation and reconstruction.
What is the YBS, and why is it being integrated into Iraq’s security forces?
The Shingal Resistance Units, or YBS, are an all-Yazidi armed group based in Sinjar, also called Shingal. They expanded after ISIS attacked the Yazidi heartland in August 2014. The integration matters because Sinjar has had fragmented security arrangements and lies in territory disputed by Baghdad and the Kurdistan Regional Government.
Under the agreement, YBS fighters will enter Iraqi state institutions. They will be distributed among the Iraqi Army, local police and the Popular Mobilization Forces. Some fighters will join the Yazidi Hashd, while female members will enter the Nineveh Police’s female division. Other fighters may give up their weapons and return to civilian life.
The first phase is scheduled to include about 2,000 fighters, although estimates vary. Later phases may include 3,000 to 4,000 more local fighters. Federal authorities will also take responsibility for Mount Sinjar, while the government promises compensation and reconstruction.
How many YBS fighters are expected to join Iraq’s security institutions, and how many may remain outside them or return to civilian life?
The number of YBS fighters entering Iraq’s security institutions is not finally settled. The first phase is expected to include around 2,000 fighters, while a Nineveh council official put the figure between 1,500 and 2,000. The variation reflects unresolved terms in the agreement.
A YBS commander said another 3,000 to 4,000 local fighters could be integrated in later phases. Other estimates put the entire force at approximately 4,160 fighters or between 4,200 and 4,300. These figures describe the broader force, not necessarily the final number recruited.
Some members may remain outside the security apparatus. Murad Ismail said some could return fully to civilian life, while others would surrender their weapons. The initial phase also includes transferring several YBS outposts on Mount Sinjar to the Iraqi Army.
Which Iraqi security bodies will receive the fighters, and what roles will female YBS members take?
The agreement does not place every YBS member in one institution. Fighters will be distributed among three parts of Iraq’s security system: the Iraqi Army, local police and the Popular Mobilization Forces, or PMF. This arrangement gives Baghdad several channels for absorbing the force.
Some members will remain in the PMF as part of the Yazidi Hashd. Dakhil Murad Hassan said 1,000 fighters would join the PMF, with 500 assigned to southern Shingal and 500 protecting the northern part of Mount Shingal. Several YBS outposts will also be handed to the Iraqi Army.
Female YBS members will join the Nineveh Police’s female police division. The exact recruitment numbers and conditions remain unsettled. Some fighters may instead leave armed service, surrender their weapons and return to civilian life as the agreement develops.
What changes when federal authorities take responsibility for security on Mount Sinjar and in the surrounding district?
Federal authorities will assume security responsibility for Mount Sinjar as part of a wider effort to restore Baghdad’s control over Sinjar district. The YBS will disengage from its existing security role, and its members will enter state institutions or return to civilian life. Several YBS outposts will initially be handed to the Iraqi Army.
The mechanism is a formal military disengagement ceremony supervised by the prime minister. Iraqi security commanders and YBS leaders are expected to announce the agreement’s details. Fighters will move into the Army, police or PMF, while female members join the Nineveh Police’s female division.
The government says the change will consolidate all weapons under state control. It also promises to protect Yazidi rights, compensate families affected by terrorism and rebuild Shingal. The precise terms remain unsettled, so implementation will determine how fully authority is unified.
Why did the YBS become powerful after the Islamic State attacked Sinjar in 2014?
The YBS emerged as a local Yazidi armed group in Sinjar. Its influence grew sharply after the Islamic State, or ISIS, attacked the district in August 2014. The article identifies killing and abductions during that assault, showing the extreme danger facing the Yazidi population.
That crisis helps explain why a local Yazidi force expanded. The YBS became part of the armed response to ISIS and later held positions on Mount Sinjar. Its members are described by Iraq’s military spokesperson as people who fought terrorism and confronted its extremist agenda, with some killed or wounded.
The group’s wartime role also created a difficult political question. After years of fragmented security and negotiations, Baghdad is now seeking to bring YBS fighters into state institutions. The planned integration recognizes their role while transferring security authority and weapons control to the federal government.
Why has security in Sinjar remained divided among the Iraqi government, the Kurdistan Regional Government, the YBS, the PMF and PKK-linked forces?
The article attributes Sinjar’s divided security mainly to its political and military complexity. The district is in Nineveh province, west of Mosul, and is among the territories disputed between Baghdad and the Kurdistan Regional Government. It also has years of negotiations over the YBS’s status and fragmented security arrangements.
Several actors therefore appear in the proposed settlement. Baghdad wants federal control and state control of weapons. The YBS has operated as a local Yazidi force. Some fighters will enter the PMF, including the Yazidi Hashd, while Iraqi Army and police units will receive others. The KRG is identified as a party to the territorial dispute.
The provided article does not explain why PKK-linked forces are involved or describe their role. It only refers to the YBS, PMF, Baghdad, the KRG and Iraqi security commands. The agreement aims to replace fragmented arrangements with federal responsibility, but its final terms remain unsettled.
What does it mean for a government to have a monopoly on the legitimate use of force, and why is that principle important for rebuilding a conflict-affected region?
A government’s monopoly on the legitimate use of force means that authorized state institutions, rather than independent armed groups, control weapons and organized coercion. In Iraq’s plan, that means placing YBS fighters inside the Army, police or PMF while transferring Mount Sinjar’s security responsibility to federal authorities.
The article gives a concrete mechanism for this principle. YBS members will be integrated, some outposts will go to the Iraqi Army, and other fighters may surrender weapons and return to civilian life. The government describes this as consolidating all weapons under state control and creating a new security framework.
That principle matters in a conflict-affected region because unified authority can make responsibility clearer. It can also support compensation, protection and reconstruction. In Shingal, the government specifically links federal responsibility to Yazidi rights, victims’ families and rebuilding. The final result depends on unresolved recruitment terms and implementation.
This brief was written by AI from the original reporting and checked by other models. Names, figures and quotes come from the source; read it for full context.
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