Vučić Out, Students In: Still, No Sanctions Against Russia

Serbia’s Student List won the Oct. 25 parliamentary election. It brings students, professors and doctors into national power after years of government led by Aleksandar Vučić and his allies. The victory matters because the list promises to attack corruption and political pressure on public institutions, rather than simply replace individual ministers.

The list holds an absolute majority of nearly 140 seats. Its “Student Plan” calls for an independent anti-corruption police unit, investigations of opaque state projects and an end to political control over the media regulator and public broadcaster. It also promises merit-based hiring and social measures.

Vučić conceded that his United Serbia coalition won 105 seats, but said the new government would face a fightback. A presidential election must take place by Dec. 26. Until then, Ana Brnabić, closely linked to Vučić’s Serbian Progressive Party, is acting president.

The election was unusually large both in participation and in its parliamentary result. About 70% of eligible voters turned out, the highest rate Serbia had seen in nearly three decades. High participation gave the Student List a strong mandate for its promised institutional reforms.

The list won an absolute majority of nearly 140 seats. That is enough to control the parliament without relying on coalition partners. Vučić conceded that his United Serbia coalition won 105 seats, a substantial result but not enough to retain parliamentary control.

The numbers also shape what happens next. Serbia’s constitution requires a presidential election by Dec. 26. Until that vote, Ana Brnabić is serving as acting president. Vučić has promised to organize a political response and said the new leaders would not remain popular for long.

International sanctions are government-imposed restrictions designed to pressure a state, organization or individual. They can limit financial transactions, exports, imports, travel and access to technology. Countries use them to respond to conduct they consider unlawful or dangerous without directly using military force.

The Student List says Serbia will not impose restrictive measures on Russia. Professor Jovo Bakić argued that Serbia is too small for its sanctions to seriously harm Moscow. He also said sanctions would damage bilateral relations and recalled Serbia’s experience under United Nations sanctions during the 1990s.

This policy matters because it preserves Serbia’s existing relationship with Russia while resisting pressure to align more closely with European sanctions. The article does not state how the European Union would respond. It does show that the new government’s domestic reform agenda will coexist with a Russia-friendly foreign-policy position.

A continued refusal to sanction Russia would keep Serbia aligned with Moscow on this issue. It could make relations with the European Union more difficult because EU governments have imposed sanctions on Russia and often expect partners seeking closer European integration to coordinate with them. The article does not describe any formal EU response.

The Student List argues that sanctions would hurt Serbia more than Russia. Bakić says Serbia remembers the misery caused by United Nations sanctions in the 1990s. He also warns that new restrictions would damage bilateral relations with Russia, which the list calls a historically important partner and, in some cases, a protector.

Energy is the least certain part of the question. The article does not mention Serbia’s gas or oil supplies. In general, preserving Russian energy ties could reduce immediate disruption, while sanctions or retaliation could complicate supplies and prices. The actual outcome would depend on future agreements and outside pressure.

Serbia considers Russia important because the Student List describes Moscow as a great power, a historically important partner and sometimes a protector. Bakić says Belgrade respects Russia and intends to keep its existing position. The article also connects this attitude to Serbia’s memory of suffering under United Nations sanctions in the 1990s.

The energy question is not covered in the supplied article. From established background, Russian companies and supplies have played an important role in Serbia’s gas and oil system. Those links can provide access to energy and support established infrastructure, but they can also make Serbia more vulnerable to political pressure, price changes and supply disruptions.

That dependence helps explain why sanctions could be costly, but it does not prove what the new government will do. The Student List has explicitly rejected restrictive measures against Russia. Its policy therefore protects the current relationship, while leaving Serbia exposed to pressure from both Moscow and European partners.

The movement began with the Nov. 1, 2024, collapse of a railway-station canopy in Novi Sad, north of Belgrade. Sixteen people died, including four children. The disaster triggered anger over responsibility, corruption and the condition of public institutions. Vučić’s refusal to accept responsibility intensified the public reaction.

Mass protests spread across Serbia. The article says the authorities used a sound cannon against students, causing disorientation, nausea and panic. Students, professors and doctors then organized beyond street demonstrations and created their own political list, led by Novi Sad cardiologist Ilija Srdanović.

Their program, called the “Student Plan,” contains 11 points in three sections. It promises an independent anti-corruption police unit, scrutiny of state projects, cleaner public hiring and social support. The movement therefore turned a specific tragedy into a wider campaign against systemic corruption and political control.

Foreign policy is not determined by elections alone. Elections can replace leaders and create a mandate for change, but a small country still depends on trade, energy, finance and security relationships. Those dependencies make every foreign-policy decision carry domestic costs, especially when larger powers disagree.

Serbia’s result shows the tension clearly. The Student List won nearly 140 seats and wants to dismantle systemic corruption. Yet it also says Serbia will not impose sanctions on Russia. Bakić argues that sanctions would barely affect Moscow but would damage Serbia’s relationship with a powerful historical partner.

This creates a narrow path for the new government. Moving toward European sanctions could improve alignment with European partners but risk Russian retaliation or economic disruption. Maintaining the current policy protects bilateral ties but may complicate closer European integration. The article does not establish the final outcome, and the presidential election remains ahead.