Fireworks and celebrations as student-led movement wins in Serbia; can they deliver?

Serbia’s election produced a major transfer of political power. Candidates backed by a Gen Z-led student movement defeated President Aleksandar Vucic’s ruling party. The result ended Vucic’s long grip on power and moved a protest campaign into government. That makes it historic, especially because the movement had no single leader or long record of governing.

The movement built support after the 2024 collapse of a railway-station canopy in Novi Sad killed 16 people. It blamed corruption and cronyism and developed demands for accountability. It eventually fielded 250 candidates from many professions, including academics, lawyers, doctors, farmers, actors and musicians. Their platform focused on anti-corruption action, judicial reform and stronger institutions.

The victory is only the beginning. The candidates must form a government within 90 days after parliament is convened and then pass a budget and begin reforms. Their unity, limited experience and resistance from existing institutions could determine whether the historic result produces lasting change.

The student-backed movement fielded exactly 250 candidates in the election. That number shows the campaign was not limited to a small protest committee. It assembled a broad slate drawn from different parts of society and translated its demands into a national political challenge. Its victory now creates an immediate constitutional deadline.

After parliament is convened and final election results are announced, the candidates have 90 days to form a government. They must use that period to agree on leadership, responsibilities and a workable governing program. This may be difficult because the movement deliberately operated without a single leader and includes people with little governing experience.

The deadline also creates practical pressure. The new government must address a year-end budget, debt, the police, intelligence services and the judiciary. If the candidates cannot unite quickly, their electoral success could be weakened by delay, institutional resistance or continued strength from the Serbian Progressive Party, expected to remain a formidable opposition force.

A leaderless political movement is a campaign without one central figure who controls its message, candidates or decisions. Its strength can come from shared goals and broad participation. Its weakness is coordination: once it wins power, members may disagree over appointments, priorities and how quickly to change institutions.

Serbia’s student movement organized effectively by turning a common protest into a national electoral platform. It built nationwide support after demonstrations over the Novi Sad station disaster. It then selected 250 candidates from varied backgrounds, including academics, lawyers, doctors, farmers, actors and musicians. Its shared program emphasized anti-corruption measures, judicial reform and stronger public institutions.

This structure helped the movement appear broader than a conventional party and connect with different communities. It also leaves a major test ahead. The candidates must form a government within 90 days, choose people capable of governing and preserve unity while confronting the SNS and bureaucratic resistance.

The 2024 collapse of a canopy at the Novi Sad railway station killed 16 people. The disaster became the starting point for nearly two years of student-led demonstrations. Protesters argued that corruption and cronyism had helped create the conditions for such a tragedy, so they demanded more than an investigation into one accident.

The campaign widened into a national challenge to how Serbia was governed. Students used the disaster to focus public attention on accountability, public institutions and infrastructure decisions. Their later political platform included an independent police unit accountable to prosecutors and tighter scrutiny of public infrastructure contracts. These proposals connected the immediate tragedy with broader institutional reform.

The movement’s nationwide support eventually carried it into an election. It fielded 250 candidates and defeated President Aleksandar Vucic’s ruling party. The continuing question is whether the original demand for accountability can hold the movement together while it manages government, budgets and reforms.

The government’s first challenge is basic capacity. It must pass a year-end budget, address rising public and private debt, reform the police and intelligence services, and strengthen the judiciary. These tasks matter because anti-corruption promises need functioning institutions, money and enforceable decisions. The candidates also have only 90 days to form a government after parliament is convened.

The proposed police reform offers a concrete example. The movement wants an independent police unit accountable to prosecutors. It also wants tighter scrutiny of infrastructure contracts and stronger courts. These measures would connect investigations, legal oversight and public spending, rather than leaving accountability dependent on political control.

If the government cannot pass a budget, public administration and services could face uncertainty while political conflict deepens. If police or court reforms stall, bureaucratic resistance could preserve existing practices. Teneo Global Research warned that limited governing experience may make the transition difficult, while the SNS is expected to remain a strong opposition force.

The movement will face both domestic resistance and foreign-policy pressure. The Serbian Progressive Party, or SNS, is expected to remain a formidable opposition force. Bureaucratic resistance could also slow institutional reforms. Inside the movement, limited governing experience and disagreements over priorities could make it harder to act with one voice.

State institutions are central to the reform battle. The candidates want police accountable to prosecutors, transparent appointments to state-owned companies and tighter checks on infrastructure contracts. The European Commission has offered support for rule-of-law and media-freedom reforms. These areas could help the new government strengthen institutions if it can overcome resistance.

Foreign policy may complicate that work. The movement opposes recognising Kosovo’s independence and does not intend to impose sanctions on Russia, Serbia’s traditional ally and a major gas supplier. Relations with the European Union are already strained over stalled accession talks and ties with Pristina. Those positions could test the government’s ability to balance reform and external relationships.

Independent courts matter because reforms need fair enforcement, not just political promises. Accountable police can investigate wrongdoing while answering to prosecutors rather than serving private or partisan interests. Transparent contracts make public spending easier to examine. Strong public institutions keep these standards operating after a particular movement or leader leaves office.

The student-backed candidates proposed an independent police unit accountable to prosecutors. They also called for transparent appointments to state-owned companies and tighter scrutiny of public infrastructure contracts. Together, these mechanisms connect oversight to decisions where corruption concerns often arise. Judicial reform would provide the legal structure for investigations and challenges to abuse.

The need is especially clear after the Novi Sad canopy collapse, which killed 16 people and triggered demands for accountability. Yet the movement faces bureaucratic resistance and limited governing experience. Its promises will last only if it can pass reforms, protect institutional independence and maintain public scrutiny while governing.