Polls open in Israel as Netanyahu faces close contest after three years of war

The Knesset is Israel’s parliament, and it has 120 seats. Israelis vote for parties, which then compete to build a governing coalition. The central question is not simply which party finishes first, but which group can command enough parliamentary support to govern.

A majority requires more than half the seats. Since half of 120 is 60, a government needs 61 seats to pass legislation and survive confidence votes. One party does not need to win all 61 seats itself; several parties can combine in a coalition.

The article says no single party is expected to approach 61 seats. That makes coalition bargaining crucial after voting ends. If Netanyahu’s bloc or Eisenkot’s opposition grouping cannot gather enough partners, negotiations could last weeks or months, or Israel could hold another election.

The election involves about 7.3 million eligible voters. They are choosing representatives for Israel’s 120-member parliament, the Knesset. The scale matters because the result will determine which parties can negotiate a governing coalition after the ballots are counted.

The article highlights several groups taking part. Hundreds of thousands of young Israelis can vote for the first time, and tens of thousands are estimated to have returned from abroad to cast ballots. Polling stations were scheduled to close at 10pm, but final results could take days.

The election’s arithmetic may be more important than the raw vote total. No single party is expected to reach the 61 seats needed for a majority. Therefore, even after all 120 seats are allocated, coalition talks may determine who becomes prime minister and what policies the next government follows.

Israelis are voting on the country’s direction after the Hamas-led attack of 7 October 2023 and three years of war. The election asks whether voters trust Netanyahu’s security-focused leadership, while also testing demands for accountability over the attack’s failures.

Netanyahu has presented himself as best able to protect Israel, pointing to his security record and relationship with US President Donald Trump. His government has included far-right ultra-nationalists, whose influence has grown. Critics also challenge his support for ultra-Orthodox parties seeking to preserve military exemptions for religious students during personnel shortages.

The result could therefore reshape both security policy and domestic politics. It may affect Israel’s approach to Gaza, settlements, the occupied West Bank, military service exemptions, and investigations into 7 October. A close result would leave these issues subject to coalition negotiations.

The criticism concerns what happened before and during the Hamas-led attack of 7 October 2023. The article describes that day as the deadliest in Israel’s history and says security failures surrounded it. Netanyahu has remained prime minister through the war, making his leadership central to public scrutiny.

A key point is his refusal to accept responsibility for those failures. His opponents argue that the country needs an independent investigation to establish what went wrong and who should be held accountable. Gadi Eisenkot has promised to create a state commission of inquiry if his grouping can replace Netanyahu’s government.

Netanyahu’s government has resisted that step. This creates a direct election choice between emphasizing his security credentials and demanding institutional examination of the attack. The eventual coalition will determine whether such an inquiry advances, while the issue continues to shape trust in the leadership.

In Israel’s proportional system, parties receive parliamentary representation based on their share of the vote rather than one party automatically taking every seat. This usually produces several parties in the Knesset. The election therefore decides the balance of forces, but not necessarily the final government.

The key mechanism is coalition building. A party leader must persuade other parties to join an agreement and provide enough seats to reach 61 of the 120 seats. Those partners may demand influence over ministries and policies. The article shows why this is difficult: Eisenkot’s opposition grouping includes parties with differing priorities, while Netanyahu relies on far-right and ultra-Orthodox partners.

The latest polls put Netanyahu and Eisenkot neck and neck. Because neither camp is assured of 61 seats, bargaining may last weeks or months. The final government will reflect negotiated alliances as much as the first-place party’s vote total.

A government needs support from at least 61 of the Knesset’s 120 members. If neither Netanyahu’s bloc nor Eisenkot’s loose opposition grouping can assemble that majority, the election will not immediately settle who governs. The leading side would need to find additional partners or change its agreements.

The article points to several possible obstacles. Eisenkot’s grouping contains parties with different political priorities, while Arab-majority lists may hold crucial seats. Neither Netanyahu nor Eisenkot has publicly committed to partnering with those lists. Disagreements over settlements, Palestinian statehood, military exemptions, and accountability could make negotiations harder.

The immediate consequence would be prolonged coalition bargaining. The article says a government could take weeks or months to emerge. If all efforts fail, Israelis could be asked to vote again. Until then, political uncertainty would continue after the ballots are counted.

Arab citizens make up about 21 percent of Israel’s population, and Arab-majority electoral lists may win enough seats to affect coalition arithmetic. Their importance comes from the likely closeness of the contest, not simply from their population share. When both main camps lack a majority, a smaller group can become decisive.

The mechanism is straightforward: a coalition needs 61 seats. If Netanyahu’s bloc and Eisenkot’s grouping each fall below that threshold, Arab-majority lists could provide the additional support needed. Yousef Jabareen, who heads one such list, urged strong participation to help remove Netanyahu’s coalition.

However, cooperation is uncertain. The article says neither Netanyahu nor Eisenkot has publicly committed to partnering with Arab-majority lists. Their choices after the election could determine whether those lists enter a governing arrangement, support one from outside, or leave both main camps unable to reach 61 seats.