Oli, Dahal move to extend alliance to next year’s local and provincial polls

An electoral alliance is a plan for the UML and Nepali Communist Party to cooperate when contesting elections. They would seek common ground on candidates, campaigns, and local arrangements rather than split left-wing votes. The aim is to protect their combined political strength.

The proposed alliance would be built through district and local committees. Party leaders want these lower-level bodies to develop a practical framework for cooperation. They are also preparing common programmes on national sovereignty, constitutional protection, democracy, and rising living costs.

This is broader than their existing cooperation in five provincial governments, but it remains exploratory. Pushpa Kamal Dahal has stressed that cooperation does not mean immediate organisational unity. The parties still plan to review their different histories and backgrounds before considering any merger. Their immediate goal is electoral coordination in the next local and provincial polls.

The UML and Nepali Communist Party are preparing for next year’s local and provincial elections. Their leaders believe cooperation could stop further losses of left-wing support and strengthen their influence. The proposed work would involve electoral planning, not simply governing together after elections.

Their current cooperation is already visible in five provincial governments. That partnership began after their poor showing in the March 5 House of Representatives election. The two parties have since continued discussions and have informally asked lower-level committees to explore how an electoral alliance could work.

The difference is one of purpose and structure. Provincial cooperation concerns running or supporting governments, while the new plan concerns selecting and supporting candidates before local and provincial polls. Unlike the 2017 national alliance, this effort is expected to grow through district and local committees rather than being arranged only by central leaders.

Oli and Dahal fear that separate candidacies would divide the support available to left-wing parties. When similar parties compete against one another, they may each win fewer seats, even if their combined vote remains substantial. That would reduce their bargaining power and political influence.

The parties’ own lower-level committees have reportedly warned that communist parties risk further marginalisation if they contest elections separately. Their proposed answer is cooperation on candidates and programmes. The alliance would also promote shared positions on national sovereignty, constitutional protection, democracy, and living costs.

The concern reflects a clear decline from earlier strength. In 2017, the UML and Maoist Centre won 174 seats together and received around 47 percent of proportional votes. Their combined proportional share fell to around 42 percent in 2022. The March 5 election brought another poor showing, pushing leaders to seek a wider alliance before the next local and provincial contests.

Nepal’s major communist parties have lost significant electoral strength since their 2017 high point. The UML and the then CPN (Maoist Centre) won 174 seats combined in that election, approaching a two-thirds majority. They also secured around 47 percent of proportional representation votes.

By the 2022 election, their combined proportional vote share had dropped to around 42 percent. That is a decline of about five percentage points. The article also reports that left parties had won around 60 percent in the 2008 Constituent Assembly election, showing a longer-term fall from an even stronger position.

The latest March 5 House of Representatives election produced another poor showing, but the article does not provide its seat or vote totals. In response, UML chair KP Oli and NCP coordinator Pushpa Kamal Dahal are exploring cooperation for the next local and provincial elections to prevent further erosion.

The earlier UML–Maoist Centre alliance performed strongly in the 2017 general election. Together, the parties won 174 seats, approaching a two-thirds majority. They also secured around 47 percent of the proportional representation vote, giving Nepal’s communist forces substantial electoral weight.

That result showed the potential power of a united left-wing campaign. The two parties’ combined performance was far stronger than their later showing. By 2022, their combined proportional vote share had fallen to around 42 percent, and the article describes their March 5 House of Representatives result as poor.

However, the supplied article does not explain why the 2017 alliance later broke apart. It gives no specific dispute, event, or leadership decision as the cause. It only describes the parties’ current effort to rebuild cooperation through provincial governments and grassroots committees, while Dahal rejects an immediate merger.

The proposed alliance could change the parties’ seat totals by combining support rather than dividing it across competing candidates. If coordination prevents left-wing votes from splitting, the UML and NCP could improve their chances in local and provincial constituencies. Their combined influence could also increase in governments formed after the elections.

The clearest precedent is 2017. The UML and then Maoist Centre won 174 seats together and received around 47 percent of proportional votes. Their leaders now want local and district committees to create similar cooperation, supported by common programmes on sovereignty, democracy, constitutional protection, and living costs.

Still, no exact seat gain is forecast. The parties’ combined proportional share had already fallen to around 42 percent in 2022, and the March 5 election was described as a poor showing. The alliance may strengthen their position, but its electoral effect will depend on local agreements, voter support, and implementation.

Nepal’s federal system divides elected government among national, provincial, and local levels. The national level handles countrywide responsibilities, provincial governments operate within provinces, and local governments manage municipalities and rural municipalities. Each level has constitutionally assigned powers and elected representatives.

The article directly mentions the provincial level and plans cooperation in local and provincial elections. It also refers to parliament, which is the national level, as a possible area for future cooperation. The UML and NCP currently work together in five provincial governments, while their proposed electoral alliance would extend coordination downward to local contests.

The article does not explain the detailed division of powers or how the governments coordinate. In general, the three levels are separate but interconnected: national policies and laws affect provinces and local bodies, while provincial and local governments deliver many public services. The proposed alliance could therefore influence politics across more than one level, without creating a single government.