Israel’s final election results show neither Netanyahu nor rival can immediately form government

Israel’s 120-seat Knesset needs 61 members to support a government. Netanyahu’s bloc won 53 seats, while the bloc supporting Gadi Eisenkot won 48. Neither reached that threshold, so the election produced no clear governing majority. This matters because winning the largest bloc does not automatically give a candidate the power to govern.

The key mechanism is coalition building. A candidate must persuade enough parties or lawmakers to support a government and survive parliamentary votes. In this case, Netanyahu’s bloc is eight seats short, while Eisenkot’s bloc is 13 seats short. The Arab parties won 19 seats combined, but both leading blocs have ruled out partnering with the two main Arab parties.

The results are complete but still require certification. They will then go to President Isaac Herzog, who will consult party chairs and choose the candidate he thinks has the best chance of forming a government. If talks fail, the country faces continued political uncertainty and possibly another election process.

The Knesset has 120 seats, so controlling at least 61 gives a government a majority. That number is one more than half of the chamber. It is the crucial benchmark in this election because neither leading bloc reached it on its own.

Netanyahu’s right-wing bloc won 53 seats. It therefore fell eight seats short of a majority. The bloc supporting his main rival, Gadi Eisenkot, won 48 seats, leaving it 13 seats short. These figures show why the race remains unsettled despite the completed count.

The remaining seats belong to other parties, including Arab parties that won 19 seats combined. Both leading blocs have ruled out forming a government with Ra’am and the Joint List. The results must still be certified and submitted to President Isaac Herzog, who will consult party chairs before choosing a candidate to try to form a government.

The election count is complete, but the result is not yet fully formal. Election officials must certify it and submit it to President Isaac Herzog next Wednesday. This step moves the process from counting votes to deciding who should receive the first chance to form a government.

Herzog will consult with party chairs. He will then choose the candidate he thinks has the best chance of assembling a government. The leading blocs are headed by Benjamin Netanyahu and Gadi Eisenkot, but neither has 61 seats. That means the president’s choice will depend on coalition possibilities, not simply on which bloc is largest.

The selected candidate must seek support from enough lawmakers to reach at least 61 seats. The Arab parties’ combined 19 seats could matter, although both leading blocs have ruled out partnering with Ra’am and the Joint List. If the first attempt fails, the political process can continue with another candidate or lead to further elections.

A government needs support from at least 61 of the 120 Knesset members. If no candidate can assemble that support, the election does not produce a workable governing coalition. The practical result is political uncertainty rather than a clear transfer into a new government.

The process can continue after an initial failure. Under Israel’s established parliamentary procedure, another candidate may receive an opportunity to form a government. A caretaker administration may continue handling state business while negotiations proceed. If coalition efforts remain unsuccessful, the Knesset can be dissolved and another election can be held; the article itself does not specify these procedural details.

This election already shows the risk. Netanyahu’s bloc has 53 seats, and Eisenkot’s has 48. Both are below 61, while both have rejected partnership with the two main Arab parties. Unless other support becomes available, the deadlock could persist and leave voters facing another round of political decision-making.

Arab parties could become kingmakers because their combined 19 seats are larger than either leading bloc’s shortfall. Netanyahu’s bloc needs eight more seats to reach 61. Eisenkot’s bloc needs 13. In pure numbers, Arab lawmakers could provide enough support to put either side over the threshold.

The mechanism is parliamentary arithmetic. A candidate needs 61 supporters, not necessarily a majority within a single party or bloc. Ra’am and the Joint List are the two main Arab parties named in the article. Yet both Netanyahu and Eisenkot have ruled out forming a government with them, so the seats may be decisive without being directly usable in a coalition.

That creates a political contradiction. Arab parties have historic gains and potential leverage, but exclusion limits how that leverage can operate. Their rise has brought renewed attention to the realities faced by Palestinian citizens of Israel. Yair Golan nevertheless called for a government formed “in partnership” with Arab parties.

Palestinian citizens of Israel are Palestinians who hold Israeli citizenship. The article identifies most of them as descendants of people who remained within what became Israel during the war surrounding the country’s founding in 1948. Their community therefore emerged from a population divided by war and displacement.

The article also notes that hundreds of thousands of Palestinians fled or were expelled from their homes at that time. Those who stayed became the ancestors of most Palestinian citizens of Israel today. This history helps explain why their political participation carries both national and community importance.

In the election, Palestinians with Israeli citizenship voted in record numbers. Parties led by Israel’s Arab minority won 19 seats combined. Many voters hoped to oust Netanyahu and far-right coalition members, including Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir. Their gains have placed the community’s political role at the center of government-formation questions.

Israel’s proportional electoral system allocates Knesset seats according to parties’ shares of the vote rather than awarding all representation to one winner. This makes it easier for several parties to enter parliament. As a result, a single party or bloc often lacks a majority and must negotiate with others. This explanation uses established knowledge of Israel’s electoral system; the article itself provides the election figures but does not describe the system.

The election illustrates the mechanism. The Knesset has 120 seats. Netanyahu’s bloc won 53, and Eisenkot’s won 48. Smaller parties therefore hold the seats that can decide whether either candidate reaches 61. Arab parties alone won 19 seats combined.

This structure makes close results especially consequential. Both leading blocs have ruled out partnering with Ra’am and the Joint List, even though their seats could mathematically close the gap. President Herzog must now choose the candidate most likely to assemble a coalition, not simply the candidate leading the vote.