Israel has ‘historic’ opportunity to change direction, says leader of Arab coalition

Israel’s election produced no clear majority. Netanyahu’s coalition fell from 68 seats to 53 in the 120-seat Knesset. The Change bloc, made up of Zionist parties, won 48 seats. Together, the two Arab-led parties hold 19 seats, making them potential kingmakers.

The Joint List has 11 seats, while the Islamist Ra’am party has eight. Ra’am has signalled that it could join a coalition led by Gadi Eisenkot. The Joint List does not want to enter that government, but it may support it from outside through tactical voting.

This gives the Joint List leverage over both legislation and government formation. Its leader, Yousef Jabareen, said the party could help remove Netanyahu and his far-right coalition. It also wants policy changes affecting Arab citizens and Palestinians, while refusing coalition membership as long as the occupation continues.

The Knesset is Israel’s national legislature, with 120 seats. It is where elected parties debate and pass laws, organize committees, and determine who controls the parliamentary agenda. A government needs enough support in the Knesset to pass measures and remain politically viable.

The article gives a concrete example of why control matters. Jabareen said Netanyahu’s 67 opponents could replace the Knesset speaker and take control of the committee overseeing the legislative agenda. They could also try to repeal laws passed by the outgoing majority that weakened judicial independence.

This means government formation is not the only immediate contest. Even before a coalition is agreed, a parliamentary majority can influence what lawmakers consider and which proposals advance. The 67 opposing members therefore have potential legislative power, although they still need agreement among parties with different political positions.

The election split the Knesset into three main groupings. Netanyahu’s coalition holds 53 seats, down from 68. The Change bloc of Zionist parties led by retired general Gadi Eisenkot holds 48. The Arab parties together hold 19, creating the balance between the two larger camps.

Those 19 seats consist of 11 for the Joint List and eight for Ra’am. Neither Netanyahu’s group nor the Change bloc reaches the 61 seats needed for a majority alone. The numbers therefore make Arab parties central to coalition negotiations and parliamentary votes.

Their influence is not identical. Ra’am has indicated it could join an Eisenkot-led coalition. The Joint List rejects joining such a government but may support it from outside. The opposition also has 67 seats combined, giving it a possible route to control the Knesset before a new government is fully formed.

Supporting from outside would give the Joint List influence without making it a formal government partner. Jabareen said the party could help remove Netanyahu and his far-right coalition while avoiding coalition conditions it considers unacceptable. Its central condition is that it cannot join a government while the occupation of Palestinians in the West Bank continues.

The main mechanism would be tactical voting in the Knesset. The Joint List could vote with opposition parties on confidence-related matters, legislation, or parliamentary changes. Jabareen also pointed to replacing the Knesset speaker and taking control of the committee overseeing the legislative agenda.

This arrangement could allow a minority government to function, but it would require repeated cooperation. The Joint List could use its 11 seats to demand policy changes for Arab citizens and Palestinians. The article does not establish whether the opposition parties would accept this support or how long such a government could last.

After an inconclusive election, Israel’s president begins consultations with political leaders. The leaders recommend who should receive the first opportunity to form the next government. The article says Isaac Herzog was due to summon them as early as Wednesday.

This role matters because election results alone did not produce a governing majority. Netanyahu’s coalition has 53 seats, while the Change bloc has 48. The Arab parties hold 19 and could support either side in different ways. Herzog’s consultations help identify which candidate appears to have the strongest parliamentary backing.

The president’s decision does not automatically create a government. The selected candidate still has to negotiate with other parties, agree on a coalition or outside support, and secure enough votes to function. In this election, those negotiations are difficult because the Change bloc has internal disagreements and some members oppose partnership with Arab parties.

The article draws a citizenship-based distinction. Palestinian citizens of Israel are Israeli citizens and take part in Israeli elections. Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank and Gaza are outside that electorate and had no vote in the election described.

In general, national elections are organized for a state’s citizens, while residents of territories outside that state’s electoral system do not automatically receive its national vote. That explains the basic difference here. The article itself does not provide a fuller historical account of citizenship, occupation, or the legal arrangements behind it.

The distinction matters politically. Palestinian citizens make up about 20% of Israel’s population, and their turnout rose to about 80%. Their votes produced 19 seats for Arab parties, giving those parties unusual leverage in forming Israel’s next government. Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza did not contribute votes to that parliamentary balance.

A coalition government is formed when several parties cooperate because no single party has enough seats to govern alone. They agree on a prime minister, policies, and parliamentary support. The government then depends on those parties to pass laws and survive important votes in the legislature.

Outside support is a looser arrangement. A party stays out of the cabinet but votes with the government on selected matters, such as forming the government, passing budgets, or defeating opposition efforts. In the article, the Joint List rejects joining an Eisenkot-led government but may keep it afloat through tactical voting.

This can work when the supporting party wants influence without accepting ministerial responsibility or coalition conditions. It can also be fragile because support must be renewed across major votes. The proposed arrangement would let the Joint List seek changes for Arab citizens while remaining outside a government it says it cannot join during the occupation.