Isaac Herzog: the mild-mannered middleman in Israel's political brawl

Isaac Herzog was Israel’s president during the government-formation process. In Israel’s parliamentary system, the president does not normally run the government. Instead, after an election, he consults elected parties and chooses the lawmaker most likely to build a majority coalition. That makes him a broker between rival political camps.

Herzog’s consultations began with the smallest parties. He listened to their recommendations about which candidate should receive the mandate to form a government. Their views mattered because a prime minister needs support from at least 61 of the Knesset’s 120 members. A small party can therefore affect which bloc reaches that threshold.

The consultations did not make Herzog prime minister. They were the opening step in deciding who would receive the first opportunity to assemble a coalition. If that attempt failed, Israel’s constitutional process allowed further attempts, potentially leading to another election. The broader question was who could turn fragmented election results into a governing majority.

Coalition consultations are formal political meetings held after an election. Herzog heard each party’s recommendation about which lawmaker should receive the first chance to form a government. The process matters because Israel’s president must identify the candidate with the strongest realistic path to a parliamentary majority.

Beginning with the smallest parties highlights the bargaining power of parties that do not lead the election. Suppose a large bloc has 58 seats. It would still need three more lawmakers to reach the 61-seat threshold. A small party could provide those votes, demand policy concessions, or refuse to join and leave the bloc short.

The consultations were not themselves coalition negotiations, and Herzog did not select a cabinet. They were a constitutional step before the mandate was assigned. After hearing the parties, he could choose the candidate judged most likely to succeed. The outcome depended on written seat totals and political promises, not simply on which party won the most seats.

Small parties can have major influence because Israel’s Knesset is elected through proportional representation, producing several parliamentary factions. No party usually wins enough seats to govern alone. The prime minister must therefore assemble partners whose combined strength reaches at least 61 of 120 seats.

For example, a bloc holding 58 seats needs only three additional members. A party with five or six seats could become the decisive partner. It might support one candidate, join the rival bloc, remain outside while backing a government, or refuse both options. Its demands could shape the coalition’s policies and survival.

This is why Herzog consulted the smallest parties as well as the largest ones. Their recommendations could affect who received the mandate, while their votes could determine whether that candidate succeeded. The election winner still mattered, but the final prime minister depended on coalition math, negotiations, and the ability to keep partners together during the Knesset’s term.

Israel’s Knesset has 120 seats, so a government needs at least 61 supporters for a majority. The threshold is important because no single party came close to controlling the chamber. The election therefore produced a coalition-building contest rather than an automatic government for the largest party.

In the November 2022 election, Likud won 32 seats and Yesh Atid won 24. Religious Zionism won 14, National Unity 12, Shas 11, United Torah Judaism 7, Yisrael Beiteinu 6, United Arab List 5, and Hadash-Ta’al 5. These results left the leading blocs dependent on partners.

The figures show why Herzog’s consultations mattered. Likud was the largest party, but it still needed allies to cross 61. The eventual prime minister would be the leader able to turn separate parties into a reliable governing coalition. Seat totals provided the starting arithmetic; negotiations determined whether that arithmetic became a functioning government.

If the first candidate cannot assemble a coalition, Israel’s president can give another Knesset member an opportunity to try. The system is designed to test whether a different combination of parties can command 61 seats. A failed first attempt therefore does not automatically end the government-formation process.

The mechanism creates additional time for negotiations. Parties can change their recommendations, switch alliances, or agree on a rotation arrangement in which different leaders serve as prime minister at different times. The candidate still needs enough parliamentary support for the proposed government to win confidence and govern.

If no candidate can produce a majority within the constitutional timetable, the Knesset may be dissolved and Israel may hold another election. The exact route depends on which stage of the process has been reached. The practical consequence is prolonged uncertainty: the outgoing government may continue handling affairs while parties make another attempt to produce a viable majority.

After an election, parties have more than one way to create a government. The simplest is a coalition led by the largest party, with smaller parties joining in exchange for cabinet posts or policy commitments. But the largest party is not guaranteed the premiership if another bloc can assemble 61 seats first.

Parties can also form unusual alliances across ideological lines. They may sign a rotation deal, allowing two leaders to serve as prime minister at different times. Another option is a minority government that survives through outside support on confidence votes, though it is more vulnerable. Parties may also remain in opposition and try to block both main camps.

These alternatives reflect Israel’s fragmented parliament. Coalition talks are about more than adding seat totals; parties must agree on policies, budgets, appointments, and trust. If no arrangement can command the Knesset, the constitutional process can end in dissolution and another election. That possibility gives negotiators pressure to compromise.

Israel usually governs through coalitions because voters elect parties by proportional representation, not a single national winner who automatically receives executive control. The 120-seat Knesset is divided among parties according to their electoral support. This allows several political movements to enter parliament and makes one-party control uncommon.

The practical mechanism is straightforward. A party may finish first but still hold far fewer than the 61 seats required for a majority. It must recruit partners, negotiate a shared program, and distribute influence across the coalition. Smaller parties can then gain leverage because their seats may be necessary for confidence votes and legislation.

Coalitions can represent a broader range of voters, but they can also be fragile. Partners may disagree over policy, budgets, or leadership. That is why election night does not immediately identify Israel’s next prime minister. The central task comes afterward: turning a divided Knesset into a coalition stable enough to govern.