Armenia to apply for EU membership in 2027 or 2028 ‘realistic’, PM tells Euronews

Armenia’s prime minister has proposed moving from closer cooperation with the European Union to a formal application for membership. Nikol Pashinyan said submitting the application in 2027 or 2028 is realistic. The proposal matters because it could redirect Armenia’s long-term political and economic relationships away from Russia and toward Brussels.

The government has already started a process intended to lead to a final decision on applying. Armenia is also engaged in a visa liberalisation dialogue with the European Commission. That process aims to finish by 2029, but it is separate from formal membership and does not mean Armenia has applied.

The timing remains a plan, not a completed step. Yerevan has not submitted an application yet. Pashinyan says the Armenian people should choose between closer European integration and continued participation in Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union, while his government works to diversify the country’s relationships.

The European Union is a political and economic union in which member countries cooperate through shared institutions, laws, policies, and a common internal market. Membership can provide closer economic ties and political cooperation, but it also requires a country to meet demanding standards. These include stable democratic institutions, the rule of law, human rights protection, and respect for minorities.

A candidate must also have a functioning market economy that can compete within the EU. It must adopt and apply the EU’s large body of common rules, known as the acquis. The country must accept the obligations of membership, including implementing agreed policies and contributing to shared institutions. Negotiations examine whether these standards are met.

The article presents EU membership as Armenia’s strategic choice for protecting democracy and creating an alternative to its traditional relationships. Armenia has not applied yet. If it does, the process would involve assessment, negotiations, reforms, and approval by existing EU members.

The European Union is much larger than Armenia in population, economic output, and political membership. The EU has 27 member countries and roughly 450 million people. Armenia has about 3 million residents. These figures show the scale of the market and political system Armenia would seek to join, although membership would also require substantial legal and economic alignment.

In economic terms, the EU’s combined nominal gross domestic product is roughly $19 trillion, while Armenia’s is approximately $25 billion. Estimates vary by year and exchange rates, so these comparisons are approximate. The central point is the large difference in resources, consumers, institutions, and bargaining power.

The article does not provide these population or economic figures. It does state that Armenia is considering a strategic move toward Brussels and away from Russia’s orbit. Armenia remains outside the EU, has not formally applied, and would first need to begin the membership process and meet its requirements.

EU membership would place Armenia more firmly within European political and economic systems. It would require alignment with EU laws, standards, and institutions, while increasing cooperation with Brussels. That direction contrasts with Armenia’s existing participation in Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union and its traditional position within Russia’s regional orbit.

The article gives a clear political example. Pashinyan links European integration with protecting Armenia’s democracy after the 2018 revolution. He also says the government wants to create an alternative because Armenia was often seen as having no choice beyond its established relationships. Greater European ties would therefore change both external partnerships and domestic expectations.

This shift could create friction with Moscow. Russia has threatened retaliation, including cutting off Armenia’s energy supply, according to the article. Pashinyan says Armenia wants to diversify its political and economic relations. Any final choice would involve weighing European integration against existing ties with Russia.

Closer integration with the EU could give Armenia more political and economic alternatives. It could strengthen cooperation with European institutions and support the democratic reform agenda Pashinyan describes. It might also encourage Armenia to diversify trade and reduce dependence on a single regional power. These are possible directions, not guaranteed results.

Energy is the clearest immediate risk identified in the article. Russia has threatened retaliation, most notably by cutting off Armenia’s energy supply. Armenia could therefore face pressure while trying to build new relationships. Trade arrangements could also become more complicated if European integration conflicts with Armenia’s commitments in Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union.

Security and domestic politics would also be affected. Pashinyan rejects comparisons with Ukraine and says independence is his priority. The choice could produce debate over national security, sovereignty, and economic costs. Ultimately, the government says Armenians should decide whether closer European integration is worth changing the country’s existing balance.

The central alternative is between moving toward the European Union and remaining closely tied to Russia through the Eurasian Economic Union. The EU represents a possible new political and economic direction for Armenia. The Eurasian Economic Union represents an existing framework connected to Russia. The choice matters because the two paths reflect different regional relationships and priorities.

Pashinyan says Armenia understands the trade-off. His government wants to create an alternative for citizens who have traditionally viewed Armenia as having no other option. He also points to Georgia’s determination to become a full EU member as an important influence on Armenians’ view of their own European prospects.

Armenia has not formally applied to the EU, so the decision is still developing. Pashinyan suggests 2027 or 2028 could be realistic for an application. The government’s stated approach is to let Armenians choose while diversifying political and economic relations and protecting the country’s independence.

Countries join international unions to cooperate with neighbours, expand economic opportunities, coordinate policies, and gain support on shared challenges. Membership can also anchor domestic reforms. In Armenia’s case, Pashinyan presents EU membership as a strategic choice to protect democracy and strengthen independence after the 2018 revolution.

The mechanism is shared rules and commitments. A member accepts common standards, institutions, and policies in return for participation in a larger framework. That can improve predictability and create an alternative to dependence on one partner. It also means some national decisions must fit jointly agreed rules rather than being made entirely alone.

Membership therefore changes, rather than simply removes, sovereignty. Armenia would gain closer ties with Brussels but face a trade-off with continued participation in Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union. Pashinyan says the goal is to increase Armenia’s independence and integration, while the Armenian people decide which path best serves their country.