Montenegro rejects ‘second-class’ EU membership as it eyes 2028 accession
EU accession is the formal process through which a candidate country meets the European Union’s rules, completes negotiations, and becomes a member. Membership brings full participation in the bloc rather than an interim or limited status. Montenegro’s target matters because it would make the country the EU’s 28th member and signal progress in Western Balkan enlargement. Montenegro’s EU minister, Maida Gorčević, said she was confident all negotiating chapters could close this year. She described the goal as “28 by 28,” meaning Montenegro hopes to join in 2028 as the bloc’s 28th member. She also rejected a proposed 15-year transition arrangement for new members. The 2028 date remains a target, not a completed decision. Montenegro must finish negotiations, address outstanding concerns, and secure the necessary agreement from existing EU countries. Gorčević also pledged to resolve disputes with Croatia, although she said the border issue should not block accession.
What is EU accession, and what would Montenegro joining the European Union in 2028 mean?
EU accession is the formal process through which a candidate country meets the European Union’s rules, completes negotiations, and becomes a member. Membership brings full participation in the bloc rather than an interim or limited status. Montenegro’s target matters because it would make the country the EU’s 28th member and signal progress in Western Balkan enlargement.
Montenegro’s EU minister, Maida Gorčević, said she was confident all negotiating chapters could close this year. She described the goal as “28 by 28,” meaning Montenegro hopes to join in 2028 as the bloc’s 28th member. She also rejected a proposed 15-year transition arrangement for new members.
The 2028 date remains a target, not a completed decision. Montenegro must finish negotiations, address outstanding concerns, and secure the necessary agreement from existing EU countries. Gorčević also pledged to resolve disputes with Croatia, although she said the border issue should not block accession.
How many negotiating chapters must Montenegro complete, and what kinds of policies do those chapters cover?
EU negotiating chapters divide the bloc’s rules into manageable policy areas. A candidate must align its laws, institutions, and enforcement with each area before accession. The framework has 35 chapters, while Montenegro’s negotiations concern 33 substantive chapters; the article only says that all negotiating chapters could close this year.
These areas cover core public policy. They include justice and fundamental rights, competition, public procurement, agriculture, fisheries, transport, energy, taxation, the environment, consumer protection, financial control, and external relations. Closing a chapter means the EU considers the candidate’s commitments and reforms sufficient for that area, subject to continuing obligations.
Montenegro is presented as a frontrunner and hopes to complete this work in 2026, according to the article’s stated timeline. That would support its 2028 accession goal, but closing chapters alone does not automatically produce membership. Remaining safeguards, bilateral disputes, and approval by EU countries still matter.
What would a 15-year transition period for new members mean, and why does Montenegro call that 'second-class membership'?
A 15-year transition period would mean a newly admitted country could face temporary limits or delayed access to parts of full EU membership. The exact proposal’s terms are not specified in the article. It was linked to rule-of-law safeguards, which would continue monitoring or protect the bloc while a new member built stronger institutions.
Maida Gorčević rejected that model at the Euronews Enlargement Summit. She said Montenegro did not want “second-grade membership” because it would not be fair and would not amount to full membership. Her argument is about equal status: accession should place Montenegro inside the Union on the same membership basis, rather than creating a long probationary category.
Gorčević did not reject safeguards altogether. She said Montenegro supported additional safeguards if they strengthened the European Union and future membership. The dispute is therefore about how safeguards operate, not whether standards matter. Montenegro’s preferred outcome is full membership after meeting the required conditions.
Why does the EU require rule-of-law safeguards before allowing a country to join?
Rule-of-law safeguards are conditions designed to ensure that courts, public institutions, and officials follow clear laws and remain accountable. They matter because EU membership depends on shared legal standards and mutual trust. If those standards weaken after accession, the Union may struggle to protect rights or enforce common rules.
The article connects a proposed 15-year transition period with rule-of-law safeguards for new members. It does not specify the safeguards’ exact design. Gorčević said Montenegro was not against additional protections when they strengthen the European Union and future membership. She objected instead to an arrangement that would leave Montenegro with reduced membership status.
This creates a balance between enlargement and institutional reliability. Montenegro wants to meet the membership requirements and join fully, while the EU may seek continuing guarantees after accession. The country’s ability to close negotiations and address concerns will shape whether its 2028 target remains realistic.
What could happen to Montenegro's accession if its disputes with Croatia remain unresolved?
Bilateral disputes can affect accession because an EU member may insist that outstanding issues with a candidate are addressed before approval. Croatia has raised grievances connected to the Balkan wars and wants them resolved before Montenegro joins. This makes the dispute part of the political environment surrounding Montenegro’s negotiations.
In October, Zagreb circulated an eight-point paper to other EU countries. It set out the issues Croatia wants resolved before Montenegro can enter the bloc. Gorčević said Montenegro did not want to argue with Croatia and was committed to solving the bilateral disputes. She also said an agreement could be reached after accession.
The immediate consequence is uncertainty rather than an automatic rejection. Gorčević argued that the border issue should not obstruct Montenegro’s membership, noting an unresolved border dispute between Slovenia and Croatia. Still, if Croatia maintains objections, the disagreement could make approval harder and put pressure on Montenegro’s 2028 goal.
Why can Croatia, as an EU member, influence whether Montenegro is allowed to join the bloc?
Croatia’s influence comes from its position inside the European Union. Existing members take part in decisions on enlargement, so a member can raise concerns about a candidate’s reforms or bilateral disputes. This does not mean Croatia alone automatically decides Montenegro’s future, but its objections can affect the wider agreement needed for accession.
Zagreb circulated an eight-point paper to other EU countries in October. The document described grievances related to the Balkan wars and identified issues Croatia wants settled before Montenegro joins. Montenegro’s minister responded by promising to resolve bilateral disputes and saying the countries should not continue arguing.
The practical effect is political leverage. Croatia can keep its concerns on the EU agenda and potentially make consensus more difficult. Gorčević remains confident that the border issue will not prevent membership. Whether that confidence holds will depend on negotiations between Montenegro and Croatia, and on the position of the other EU states.
How does the EU enlargement process work, and why must existing member states agree before a candidate country can become a member?
The EU enlargement process begins when a country seeks membership and is assessed against the Union’s standards. If it advances, the candidate negotiates separate policy chapters, reforms its laws and institutions, and closes those chapters when commitments are accepted. A final accession treaty then requires approval before membership begins. The article focuses on Montenegro’s chapter-closing target.
Montenegro is described as a frontrunner. Gorčević said all negotiating chapters could close this year and that accession could follow in 2028. The country must also handle rule-of-law safeguards and disputes with Croatia. These examples show that technical reforms and political relationships both shape enlargement.
Existing members must agree because accession affects the whole Union, not only the candidate. It creates a new member with rights and duties and requires the EU to accept the candidate’s compliance with shared rules. Croatia’s eight-point paper illustrates how one member’s concerns can enter the decision process. Montenegro’s target therefore depends on broad agreement, not just its own timetable.
This brief was written by AI from the original reporting and checked by other models. Names, figures and quotes come from the source; read it for full context.
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