Gadi Eisenkot reaches out to Netanyahu allies as he strives to form government

Receiving a mandate means President Isaac Herzog has formally authorized Eisenkot to attempt forming Israel’s next government. It is a constitutional step, not an automatic appointment as prime minister. Eisenkot must assemble a coalition that can command a majority in parliament.

Herzog gave him 28 days after consultations with the parties. Eisenkot’s bloc holds 48 of the parliament’s 120 seats, so he needs support from other political groups. He has appealed to Netanyahu’s Likud party, Bezalel Smotrich’s far-right party, Arab-led parties, and ultra-Orthodox parties.

The mandate gives Eisenkot a narrow path forward, but success is uncertain. Herzog may grant a 14-day extension if Eisenkot falls short. If no candidate can form a government, Israel will hold fresh elections. Eisenkot would replace Netanyahu only after winning the required parliamentary support.

The election produced a deeply divided parliament rather than a clear winner. Eisenkot’s wide-ranging opposition bloc won 48 of the 120 seats. Netanyahu’s camp secured 53. Neither side reached the 61 seats required to control the government.

That arithmetic explains why coalition negotiations matter so much. Eisenkot needs at least 13 additional votes to reach a majority, while Netanyahu’s camp needs at least eight. The numbers do not automatically reveal who can govern, because parties may refuse to cooperate despite sharing some positions.

Eisenkot’s possible partners include Netanyahu’s Likud party, Smotrich’s far-right party, Arab-led lists, and ultra-Orthodox parties. Each combination carries political costs. The result is a parliament where smaller or ideologically distinct groups can determine who becomes prime minister and which policies a government can pursue.

Eisenkot has three main coalition routes because his bloc lacks a majority. He could share power with Benjamin Netanyahu, seek support from Arab-led parties, or reach an agreement with ultra-Orthodox parties. Each route would bring enough potential votes but also serious political tensions.

A Netanyahu deal would require two rivals to share power, and such coalitions are often fragile. Arab-party support is possible because both Arab-majority lists endorsed Eisenkot, but Yisrael Beiteinu opposes joining a coalition with Arab-led parties. Ultra-Orthodox parties demand military exemptions, while Eisenkot’s bloc campaigns for equal military service and an end to those exemptions.

Eisenkot has also set conditions for Arab parties, including recognition of Israel as a Jewish state and declaring Hamas a terrorist organisation. He invited Netanyahu’s Likud and Smotrich’s party to join, but only with himself as prime minister. No option is politically painless.

Arab-led parties could become “kingmakers” because neither major bloc won enough seats to govern alone. Their support might provide the votes Eisenkot needs to cross the 61-seat majority threshold. That gives them influence over coalition negotiations, even if they do not lead the government.

Both Arab-majority lists endorsed Eisenkot during consultations with President Herzog. Eisenkot has therefore opened a possible route to power through their support. However, he has attached conditions, including recognition of Israel as a Jewish state and declaring Hamas a terrorist organisation.

The arrangement remains difficult. Yisrael Beiteinu, one of Eisenkot’s partners, has already said it will not join a coalition with Arab-led parties. Netanyahu is also expected to attack any such alliance as a betrayal. Arab parties therefore hold important potential votes, but using them could split Eisenkot’s own bloc.

The 28-day deadline is Eisenkot’s first formal test. He must build a coalition capable of winning at least 61 parliamentary votes. Without that support, he cannot form a government, even though Herzog has given him the mandate.

Herzog may provide a 14-day extension if Eisenkot falls short at the initial deadline. That extra time could allow negotiations with Netanyahu’s camp, Arab-led parties, or ultra-Orthodox parties. Each possible agreement involves major disputes over leadership, military exemptions, or cooperation with Arab parties.

If Eisenkot still cannot form a government, Herzog must offer the mandate to someone else. The article does not specify who that person would be. If neither side succeeds, Israel will head to fresh elections. The process therefore could produce a government, a new mandate, or another national vote.

The article does not provide a full history of the five elections between 2019 and 2022. It does show the central difficulty: Israel’s parliament can be divided among blocs that are too small to govern alone. Without 61 seats, leaders must build alliances across sharp political differences.

The current example shows why those alliances can fail. A power-sharing deal between Netanyahu and Eisenkot could be fragile. Arab-party support is opposed by Yisrael Beiteinu, while ultra-Orthodox parties seek military exemptions that Eisenkot’s bloc wants to end. These disagreements can prevent a coalition from forming or cause one to collapse.

The broader consequence is repeated political uncertainty. When negotiations fail, the mandate moves to another candidate or the country returns to elections. The article links this instability to deep polarisation and Netanyahu’s divisive tenure, but does not detail every cause of the earlier elections.

A parliamentary election does not always directly choose the prime minister. Voters choose parties and lawmakers, then the leader who receives a mandate must show that enough legislators will support a government. The key test is majority backing in parliament.

Israel’s numbers illustrate the mechanism. Eisenkot’s bloc won 48 seats and Netanyahu’s camp won 53, but 61 seats are needed for control of the 120-seat parliament. Eisenkot must therefore negotiate with other parties. Those partners may receive policy concessions, cabinet roles, or guarantees in exchange for supporting the coalition.

This system makes smaller parties influential when the large blocs fall short. Arab-led and ultra-Orthodox parties could supply crucial votes, but their conditions may conflict with Eisenkot’s partners. If negotiations fail, the mandate can move to another candidate, and Israel may hold fresh elections. A coalition governs only while it retains parliamentary support.