MK Party will not rescue parties rejected by voters, says Duduzane Zuma

The MK party wants coalition negotiations to reflect voters’ choices. It says it will not automatically work with every party that needs support after the results. Duduzane Zuma presented this as a matter of political accountability. Parties rejected by voters, he argued, should not simply return to government through coalition deals.

Zuma said the MK party would decide carefully which parties to engage. He warned against “resurrecting people who were expelled by the electorate.” His comments were made while addressing reporters at the Durban results operating centre. They set a clear condition for talks: coalition partners must not represent a failed political record.

This position matters because several KwaZulu-Natal municipalities were expected to be hung. The MK party had won major support and could become part of governments in important municipalities. Its choices could therefore shape councils in eThekwini, Msunduzi and the City of uMhlathuze, depending on how negotiations develop.

A hung municipality is a council in which no single party wins enough seats for a majority. That leaves the council without one clear governing party. The largest party may still lead the vote, but it cannot necessarily elect a mayor, approve budgets or pass decisions without support from other councillors.

Parties usually respond by negotiating a coalition. Two or more parties agree to govern together, divide responsibilities or support a shared programme. The agreement gives them enough seats to control the council. In the KwaZulu-Natal results, the MK party’s gains created this situation in several municipalities, while it won outright majorities in others.

A hung council can produce a stable government if the agreement is clear and durable. It can also become unstable when partners disagree or withdraw support. The article highlights the political importance of these talks because coalition choices may decide who governs key municipalities, including eThekwini and Msunduzi.

The MK party made substantial gains in KwaZulu-Natal, especially against the ANC, from which it emerged as a splinter party. It won a majority in the KZN midlands municipality based in Richmond, taking 56% of the vote. It also won just over 47% in uMshwathi and just over 48% in Johannes Phumani Phungula. Impendle was another former ANC-controlled municipality it gained.

These results changed control of councils that had previously been governed by the ANC. Richmond was especially striking because the ANC had won just over 70% there in the 2021 municipal elections. In Impendle, the council had already faced political conflict after councillors voted with opposition parties to remove ANC mayor Buyisani Mlaba.

The MK party could also enter government through coalition talks in the City of uMhlathuze, eThekwini and Msunduzi. The final outcome depends on negotiations. The IEC had not officially released the results when the report was published, although counting was complete.

When no party wins enough seats to govern alone, the municipality has a hung council. Its government cannot rely on one party’s votes for every major decision. Councillors must find support elsewhere to elect a mayor, establish an executive and approve budgets or other important measures. The exact arrangements depend on the council’s rules and political negotiations.

The most common solution is a formal coalition. Parties agree to share power and vote together. Another option is a minority administration that remains in office by securing support from other parties on crucial votes. Parties may also reach issue-by-issue agreements, while opposition parties can abstain or offer limited support without joining the executive.

The article shows why this matters in KwaZulu-Natal. Several municipalities were expected to be hung after the election, and the MK party was negotiating its possible role. Where it won a majority, such as Richmond, it had greater control. Elsewhere, its influence depended on the seats and agreements available.

KwaZulu-Natal has been central to the MK party’s rise because the party made its strongest breakthrough there. The MK party came from the ANC, yet it defeated the ANC in several municipalities. That shift is especially notable because the ANC had previously dominated some of these councils. The province therefore became a clear measure of the splinter party’s ability to convert support into control.

Richmond offers the sharpest example. The ANC had taken just over 70% of the vote in the 2021 municipal elections and made a clean sweep of the council. In the latest results, the MK party won 56% there. It also led in uMshwathi, Impendle and Johannes Phumani Phungula, all previously governed by the ANC.

The party’s provincial momentum began earlier. In its maiden provincial and national elections, it recorded about 45% of KwaZulu-Natal’s vote share and led the province. Its municipal victories now give it control or bargaining power in councils across the province.

A formal coalition is not the only way to govern a hung council. A party can form a minority administration and seek support from other parties whenever it needs enough votes. This keeps the supporting parties outside the executive, although it can make government less secure. Parties can also agree to cooperate only on a budget, leadership vote or specific policy.

Another arrangement is a confidence-and-supply agreement. One party supports the governing party in key confidence votes and budget matters but does not share every cabinet or executive position. Opposition parties may also abstain, allowing a proposal to pass without actively joining government. These options depend on council rules and the willingness of parties to keep negotiating.

The article does not describe which alternative arrangements are being considered in KwaZulu-Natal. It only says coalition talks are critical and that several municipalities may be hung. The MK party’s bargaining power will therefore depend on its seats and on whether other parties offer formal or limited support.

South Africa’s municipal elections use proportional representation for party-list seats, alongside ward seats in many local and metropolitan councils. Proportional seats are allocated according to each party’s share of the vote. A party that wins a large share therefore receives a large share of the council seats, though the exact result depends on the council’s electoral structure and seat-allocation rules.

Those seats determine political power. A party with more than half the seats can generally govern alone. A party below that threshold must seek partners or outside support. Even a party with the largest vote share may need negotiations if its seats do not form a majority. This is why vote percentages matter, but seat totals decide control of the council.

The article illustrates this difference. MK won 56% in Richmond, giving it a majority there. In other KwaZulu-Natal municipalities, its strong results could still require coalition talks. Its seat numbers, rather than its vote share alone, will determine its governing role.